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Title: The Republic

Author: Plato

Translator: B. Jowett

Posting Date: August 27, 2008 [EBook #1497]
Release Date: October, 1998
Last Updated: June 22, 2016

Language: English


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Produced by Sue Asscher





THE REPUBLIC

By Plato


Translated by Benjamin Jowett


Note: The Republic by Plato, Jowett, etext #150




INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS.

The Republic of Plato is the longest of his works with the exception
of the Laws, and is certainly the greatest of them. There are nearer
approaches to modern metaphysics in the Philebus and in the Sophist; the
Politicus or Statesman is more ideal; the form and institutions of
the State are more clearly drawn out in the Laws; as works of art, the
Symposium and the Protagoras are of higher excellence. But no other
Dialogue of Plato has the same largeness of view and the same perfection
of style; no other shows an equal knowledge of the world, or contains
more of those thoughts which are new as well as old, and not of one age
only but of all. Nowhere in Plato is there a deeper irony or a greater
wealth of humour or imagery, or more dramatic power. Nor in any other of
his writings is the attempt made to interweave life and speculation, or
to connect politics with philosophy. The Republic is the centre around
which the other Dialogues may be grouped; here philosophy reaches the
highest point (cp, especially in Books V, VI, VII) to which ancient
thinkers ever attained. Plato among the Greeks, like Bacon among the
moderns, was the first who conceived a method of knowledge, although
neither of them always distinguished the bare outline or form from
the substance of truth; and both of them had to be content with an
abstraction of science which was not yet realized. He was the greatest
metaphysical genius whom the world has seen; and in him, more than in
any other ancient thinker, the germs of future knowledge are contained.
The sciences of logic and psychology, which have supplied so many
instruments of thought to after-ages, are based upon the analyses
of Socrates and Plato. The principles of definition, the law of
contradiction, the fallacy of arguing in a circle, the distinction
between the essence and accidents of a thing or notion, between means
and ends, between causes and conditions; also the division of the mind
into the rational, concupiscent, and irascible elements, or of pleasures
and desires into necessary and unnecessary--these and other great
forms of thought are all of them to be found in the Republic, and were
probably first invented by Plato. The greatest of all logical truths,
and the one of which writers on philosophy are most apt to lose sight,
the difference between words and things, has been most strenuously
insisted on by him (cp. Rep.; Polit.; Cratyl. 435, 436 ff), although he
has not always avoided the confusion of them in his own writings (e.g.
Rep.). But he does not bind up truth in logical formulae,--logic is
still veiled in metaphysics; and the science which he imagines to
'contemplate all truth and all existence' is very unlike the doctrine of
the syllogism which Aristotle claims to have discovered (Soph. Elenchi,
33. 18).

Neither must we forget that the Republic is but the third part of a
still larger design which was to have included an ideal history of
Athens, as well as a political and physical philosophy. The fragment of
the Critias has given birth to a world-famous fiction, second only in
importance to the tale of Troy and the legend of Arthur; and is said as
a fact to have inspired some of the early navigators of the sixteenth
century. This mythical tale, of which the subject was a history of the
wars of the Athenians against the Island of Atlantis, is supposed to be
founded upon an unfinished poem of Solon, to which it would have stood
in the same relation as the writings of the logographers to the poems of
Homer. It would have told of a struggle for Liberty (cp. Tim. 25 C), intended
to represent the conflict of Persia and Hellas. We may judge from the
noble commencement of the Timaeus, from the fragment of the Critias
itself, and from the third book of the Laws, in what manner Plato would
have treated this high argument. We can only guess why the great design
was abandoned; perhaps because Plato became sensible of some incongruity
in a fictitious history, or because he had lost his interest in it, or
because advancing years forbade the completion of it; and we may please
ourselves with the fancy that had this imaginary narrative ever been
finished, we should have found Plato himself sympathising with the
struggle for Hellenic independence (cp. Laws  iii. 698 ff.), singing a
hymn of triumph over Marathon and Salamis, perhaps making the reflection
of Herodotus (v. 78) where he contemplates the growth of the Athenian
empire--'How brave a thing is freedom of speech, which has made the
Athenians so far exceed every other state of Hellas in greatness!' or,
more probably, attributing the victory to the ancient good order of
Athens and to the favor of Apollo and Athene (cp. Introd. to Critias).

Again, Plato may be regarded as the 'captain' ('arhchegoz') or leader
of a goodly band of followers; for in the Republic is to be found the
original of Cicero's De Republica, of St. Augustine's City of God,
of the Utopia of Sir Thomas More, and of the numerous other imaginary
States which are framed upon the same model. The extent to which
Aristotle or the Aristotelian school were indebted to him in the
Politics has been little recognised, and the recognition is the
more necessary because it is not made by Aristotle himself. The two
philosophers had more in common than they were conscious of; and
probably some elements of Plato remain still undetected in Aristotle. In
English philosophy too, many affinities may be traced, not only in the
works of the Cambridge Platonists, but in great original writers like
Berkeley or Coleridge, to Plato and his ideas. That there is a truth
higher than experience, of which the mind bears witness to herself, is
a conviction which in our own generation has been enthusiastically
asserted, and is perhaps gaining ground. Of the Greek authors who at the
Renaissance brought a new life into the world Plato has had the greatest
influence. The Republic of Plato is also the first treatise upon
education, of which the writings of Milton and Locke, Rousseau, Jean
Paul, and Goethe are the legitimate descendants. Like Dante or Bunyan,
he has a revelation of another life; like Bacon, he is profoundly
impressed with the unity of knowledge; in the early Church he exercised
a real influence on theology, and at the Revival of Literature on
politics. Even the fragments of his words when 'repeated at second-hand'
(Symp. 215 D) have in all ages ravished the hearts of men, who have seen
reflected in them their own higher nature. He is the father of idealism
in philosophy, in politics, in literature. And many of the latest
conceptions of modern thinkers and statesmen, such as the unity of
knowledge, the reign of law, and the equality of the sexes, have been
anticipated in a dream by him.

The argument of the Republic is the search after Justice, the nature
of which is first hinted at by Cephalus, the just and blameless old
man--then discussed on the basis of proverbial morality by Socrates and
Polemarchus--then caricatured by Thrasymachus and partially explained
by Socrates--reduced to an abstraction by Glaucon and Adeimantus, and
having become invisible in the individual reappears at length in the
ideal State which is constructed by Socrates. The first care of the
rulers is to be education, of which an outline is drawn after the old
Hellenic model, providing only for an improved religion and morality,
and more simplicity in music and gymnastic, a manlier strain of poetry,
and greater harmony of the individual and the State. We are thus led on
to the conception of a higher State, in which 'no man calls anything his
own,' and in which there is neither 'marrying nor giving in marriage,'
and 'kings are philosophers' and 'philosophers are kings;' and there
is another and higher education, intellectual as well as moral and
religious, of science as well as of art, and not of youth only but of
the whole of life. Such a State is hardly to be realized in this world
and quickly degenerates. To the perfect ideal succeeds the government
of the soldier and the lover of honour, this again declining into
democracy, and democracy into tyranny, in an imaginary but regular order
having not much resemblance to the actual facts. When 'the wheel has
come full circle' we do not begin again with a new period of human life;
but we have passed from the best to the worst, and there we end. The
subject is then changed and the old quarrel of poetry and philosophy
which had been more lightly treated in the earlier books of the Republic
is now resumed and fought out to a conclusion. Poetry is discovered to
be an imitation thrice removed from the truth, and Homer, as well as
the dramatic poets, having been condemned as an imitator, is sent into
banishment along with them. And the idea of the State is supplemented by
the revelation of a future life.

The division into books, like all similar divisions (Cp. Sir G.C. Lewis
in the Classical Museum, vol. ii. p 1.), is probably later than the age of Plato. The
natural divisions are five in number;--(1) Book I and the first half
of Book II down to the paragraph beginning, 'I had always admired the
genius of Glaucon and Adeimantus,' which is introductory; the first
book containing a refutation of the popular and sophistical notions of
justice, and concluding, like some of the earlier Dialogues, without
arriving at any definite result. To this is appended a restatement of
the nature of justice according to common opinion, and an answer is
demanded to the question--What is justice, stripped of appearances? The
second division (2) includes the remainder of the second and the whole
of the third and fourth books, which are mainly occupied with the
construction of the first State and the first education. The third
division (3) consists of the fifth, sixth, and seventh books, in which
philosophy rather than justice is the subject of enquiry, and the
second State is constructed on principles of communism and ruled by
philosophers, and the contemplation of the idea of good takes the place
of the social and political virtues. In the eighth and ninth books (4)
the perversions of States and of the individuals who correspond to them
are reviewed in succession; and the nature of pleasure and the principle
of tyranny are further analysed in the individual man. The tenth book
(5) is the conclusion of the whole, in which the relations of philosophy
to poetry are finally determined, and the happiness of the citizens
in this life, which has now been assured, is crowned by the vision of
another.

Or a more general division into two parts may be adopted; the first
(Books I - IV) containing the description of a State framed generally in
accordance with Hellenic notions of religion and morality, while in the
second (Books V - X) the Hellenic State is transformed into an
ideal kingdom of philosophy, of which all other governments are the
perversions. These two points of view are really opposed, and the
opposition is only veiled by the genius of Plato. The Republic, like
the Phaedrus (see Introduction to Phaedrus), is an imperfect whole; the
higher light of philosophy breaks through the regularity of the
Hellenic temple, which at last fades away into the heavens. Whether this
imperfection of structure arises from an enlargement of the plan;
or from the imperfect reconcilement in the writer's own mind of the
struggling elements of thought which are now first brought together
by him; or, perhaps, from the composition of the work at different
times--are questions, like the similar question about the Iliad and
the Odyssey, which are worth asking, but which cannot have a distinct
answer. In the age of Plato there was no regular mode of publication,
and an author would have the less scruple in altering or adding to a
work which was known only to a few of his friends. There is no absurdity
in supposing that he may have laid his labours aside for a time, or
turned from one work to another; and such interruptions would be more
likely to occur in the case of a long than of a short writing. In all
attempts to determine the chronological order of the Platonic writings
on internal evidence, this uncertainty about any single Dialogue being
composed at one time is a disturbing element, which must be admitted
to affect longer works, such as the Republic and the Laws, more than
shorter ones. But, on the other hand, the seeming discrepancies of
the Republic may only arise out of the discordant elements which the
philosopher has attempted to unite in a single whole, perhaps without
being himself able to recognise the inconsistency which is obvious to
us. For there is a judgment of after ages which few great writers have
ever been able to anticipate for themselves. They do not perceive the
want of connexion in their own writings, or the gaps in their systems
which are visible enough to those who come after them. In the beginnings
of literature and philosophy, amid the first efforts of thought and
language, more inconsistencies occur than now, when the paths of
speculation are well worn and the meaning of words precisely defined.
For consistency, too, is the growth of time; and some of the greatest
creations of the human mind have been wanting in unity. Tried by this
test, several of the Platonic Dialogues, according to our modern ideas,
appear to be defective, but the deficiency is no proof that they were
composed at different times or by different hands. And the supposition
that the Republic was written uninterruptedly and by a continuous effort
is in some degree confirmed by the numerous references from one part of
the work to another.

The second title, 'Concerning Justice,' is not the one by which the
Republic is quoted, either by Aristotle or generally in antiquity, and,
like the other second titles of the Platonic Dialogues, may therefore be
assumed to be of later date. Morgenstern and others have asked
whether the definition of justice, which is the professed aim, or the
construction of the State is the principal argument of the work. The
answer is, that the two blend in one, and are two faces of the same
truth; for justice is the order of the State, and the State is the
visible embodiment of justice under the conditions of human society. The
one is the soul and the other is the body, and the Greek ideal of the
State, as of the individual, is a fair mind in a fair body. In Hegelian
phraseology the state is the reality of which justice is the idea. Or,
described in Christian language, the kingdom of God is within, and yet
developes into a Church or external kingdom; 'the house not made with
hands, eternal in the heavens,' is reduced to the proportions of an
earthly building. Or, to use a Platonic image, justice and the State are
the warp and the woof which run through the whole texture. And when the
constitution of the State is completed, the conception of justice is not
dismissed, but reappears under the same or different names throughout
the work, both as the inner law of the individual soul, and finally as
the principle of rewards and punishments in another life. The virtues
are based on justice, of which common honesty in buying and selling
is the shadow, and justice is based on the idea of good, which is the
harmony of the world, and is reflected both in the institutions of
states and in motions of the heavenly bodies (cp. Tim. 47). The Timaeus,
which takes up the political rather than the ethical side of the
Republic, and is chiefly occupied with hypotheses concerning the outward
world, yet contains many indications that the same law is supposed to
reign over the State, over nature, and over man.

Too much, however, has been made of this question both in ancient and
modern times. There is a stage of criticism in which all works, whether
of nature or of art, are referred to design. Now in ancient writings,
and indeed in literature generally, there remains often a large element
which was not comprehended in the original design. For the plan grows
under the author's hand; new thoughts occur to him in the act of
writing; he has not worked out the argument to the end before he begins.
The reader who seeks to find some one idea under which the whole may be
conceived, must necessarily seize on the vaguest and most general. Thus
Stallbaum, who is dissatisfied with the ordinary explanations of the
argument of the Republic, imagines himself to have found the true
argument 'in the representation of human life in a State perfected by
justice, and governed according to the idea of good.' There may be some
use in such general descriptions, but they can hardly be said to express
the design of the writer. The truth is, that we may as well speak of
many designs as of one; nor need anything be excluded from the plan of
a great work to which the mind is naturally led by the association of
ideas, and which does not interfere with the general purpose. What kind
or degree of unity is to be sought after in a building, in the plastic
arts, in poetry, in prose, is a problem which has to be determined
relatively to the subject-matter. To Plato himself, the enquiry 'what
was the intention of the writer,' or 'what was the principal argument
of the Republic' would have been hardly intelligible, and therefore had
better be at once dismissed (cp. the Introduction to the Phaedrus).

Is not the Republic the vehicle of three or four great truths which,
to Plato's own mind, are most naturally represented in the form of the
State? Just as in the Jewish prophets the reign of Messiah, or 'the day
of the Lord,' or the suffering Servant or people of God, or the 'Sun of
righteousness with healing in his wings' only convey, to us at least,
their great spiritual ideals, so through the Greek State Plato reveals
to us his own thoughts about divine perfection, which is the idea of
good--like the sun in the visible world;--about human perfection, which
is justice--about education beginning in youth and continuing in later
years--about poets and sophists and tyrants who are the false teachers
and evil rulers of mankind--about 'the world' which is the embodiment of
them--about a kingdom which exists nowhere upon earth but is laid up
in heaven to be the pattern and rule of human life. No such inspired
creation is at unity with itself, any more than the clouds of heaven
when the sun pierces through them. Every shade of light and dark, of
truth, and of fiction which is the veil of truth, is allowable in a work
of philosophical imagination. It is not all on the same plane; it easily
passes from ideas to myths and fancies, from facts to figures of speech.
It is not prose but poetry, at least a great part of it, and ought not
to be judged by the rules of logic or the probabilities of history. The
writer is not fashioning his ideas into an artistic whole; they take
possession of him and are too much for him. We have no need therefore
to discuss whether a State such as Plato has conceived is practicable or
not, or whether the outward form or the inward life came first into the
mind of the writer. For the practicability of his ideas has nothing to
do with their truth; and the highest thoughts to which he attains may be
truly said to bear the greatest 'marks of design'--justice more than the
external frame-work of the State, the idea of good more than justice.
The great science of dialectic or the organisation of ideas has no real
content; but is only a type of the method or spirit in which the
higher knowledge is to be pursued by the spectator of all time and
all existence. It is in the fifth, sixth, and seventh books that Plato
reaches the 'summit of speculation,' and these, although they fail to
satisfy the requirements of a modern thinker, may therefore be regarded
as the most important, as they are also the most original, portions of
the work.

It is not necessary to discuss at length a minor question which has
been raised by Boeckh, respecting the imaginary date at which the
conversation was held (the year 411 B.C. which is proposed by him will
do as well as any other); for a writer of fiction, and especially a
writer who, like Plato, is notoriously careless of chronology (cp. Rep.,
Symp., 193 A, etc.), only aims at general probability. Whether all the persons
mentioned in the Republic could ever have met at any one time is not
a difficulty which would have occurred to an Athenian reading the work
forty years later, or to Plato himself at the time of writing (any more
than to Shakespeare respecting one of his own dramas); and need not
greatly trouble us now. Yet this may be a question having no answer
'which is still worth asking,' because the investigation shows that we
cannot argue historically from the dates in Plato; it would be useless
therefore to waste time in inventing far-fetched reconcilements of them
in order to avoid chronological difficulties, such, for example, as
the conjecture of C.F. Hermann, that Glaucon and Adeimantus are not the
brothers but the uncles of Plato (cp. Apol. 34 A), or the fancy of Stallbaum
that Plato intentionally left anachronisms indicating the dates at which
some of his Dialogues were written.

The principal characters in the Republic are Cephalus, Polemarchus,
Thrasymachus, Socrates, Glaucon, and Adeimantus. Cephalus appears in the
introduction only, Polemarchus drops at the end of the first argument,
and Thrasymachus is reduced to silence at the close of the first book.
The main discussion is carried on by Socrates, Glaucon, and Adeimantus.
Among the company are Lysias (the orator) and Euthydemus, the sons of
Cephalus and brothers of Polemarchus, an unknown Charmantides--these are
mute auditors; also there is Cleitophon, who once interrupts, where, as
in the Dialogue which bears his name, he appears as the friend and ally
of Thrasymachus.

Cephalus, the patriarch of the house, has been appropriately engaged
in offering a sacrifice. He is the pattern of an old man who has almost
done with life, and is at peace with himself and with all mankind. He
feels that he is drawing nearer to the world below, and seems to linger
around the memory of the past. He is eager that Socrates should come
to visit him, fond of the poetry of the last generation, happy in the
consciousness of a well-spent life, glad at having escaped from the
tyranny of youthful lusts. His love of conversation, his affection, his
indifference to riches, even his garrulity, are interesting traits of
character. He is not one of those who have nothing to say, because their
whole mind has been absorbed in making money. Yet he acknowledges
that riches have the advantage of placing men above the temptation
to dishonesty or falsehood. The respectful attention shown to him by
Socrates, whose love of conversation, no less than the mission imposed
upon him by the Oracle, leads him to ask questions of all men, young and
old alike, should also be noted. Who better suited to raise the question
of justice than Cephalus, whose life might seem to be the expression of
it? The moderation with which old age is pictured by Cephalus as a very
tolerable portion of existence is characteristic, not only of him,
but of Greek feeling generally, and contrasts with the exaggeration of
Cicero in the De Senectute. The evening of life is described by Plato
in the most expressive manner, yet with the fewest possible touches. As
Cicero remarks (Ep. ad Attic. iv. 16), the aged Cephalus would have been out of
place in the discussion which follows, and which he could neither have
understood nor taken part in without a violation of dramatic propriety
(cp. Lysimachus in the Laches).

His 'son and heir' Polemarchus has the frankness and impetuousness of
youth; he is for detaining Socrates by force in the opening scene,
and will not 'let him off' on the subject of women and children.
Like Cephalus, he is limited in his point of view, and represents
the proverbial stage of morality which has rules of life rather than
principles; and he quotes Simonides (cp. Aristoph. Clouds) as his father
had quoted Pindar. But after this he has no more to say; the answers
which he makes are only elicited from him by the dialectic of Socrates.
He has not yet experienced the influence of the Sophists like Glaucon
and Adeimantus, nor is he sensible of the necessity of refuting them; he
belongs to the pre-Socratic or pre-dialectical age. He is incapable of
arguing, and is bewildered by Socrates to such a degree that he does not
know what he is saying. He is made to admit that justice is a thief, and
that the virtues follow the analogy of the arts. From his brother Lysias
(contra Eratosth.) we learn that he fell a victim to the Thirty Tyrants,
but no allusion is here made to his fate, nor to the circumstance that
Cephalus and his family were of Syracusan origin, and had migrated from
Thurii to Athens.

The 'Chalcedonian giant,' Thrasymachus, of whom we have already heard
in the Phaedrus, is the personification of the Sophists, according to
Plato's conception of them, in some of their worst characteristics. He
is vain and blustering, refusing to discourse unless he is paid, fond of
making an oration, and hoping thereby to escape the inevitable Socrates;
but a mere child in argument, and unable to foresee that the next 'move'
(to use a Platonic expression) will 'shut him up.' He has reached the
stage of framing general notions, and in this respect is in advance of
Cephalus and Polemarchus. But he is incapable of defending them in a
discussion, and vainly tries to cover his confusion with banter and
insolence. Whether such doctrines as are attributed to him by Plato were
really held either by him or by any other Sophist is uncertain; in the
infancy of philosophy serious errors about morality might easily grow
up--they are certainly put into the mouths of speakers in Thucydides;
but we are concerned at present with Plato's description of him, and not
with the historical reality. The inequality of the contest adds greatly
to the humour of the scene. The pompous and empty Sophist is utterly
helpless in the hands of the great master of dialectic, who knows how
to touch all the springs of vanity and weakness in him. He is greatly
irritated by the irony of Socrates, but his noisy and imbecile rage
only lays him more and more open to the thrusts of his assailant. His
determination to cram down their throats, or put 'bodily into their
souls' his own words, elicits a cry of horror from Socrates. The
state of his temper is quite as worthy of remark as the process of the
argument. Nothing is more amusing than his complete submission when
he has been once thoroughly beaten. At first he seems to continue the
discussion with reluctance, but soon with apparent good-will, and he
even testifies his interest at a later stage by one or two occasional
remarks. When attacked by Glaucon he is humorously protected by Socrates
'as one who has never been his enemy and is now his friend.' From Cicero
and Quintilian and from Aristotle's Rhetoric we learn that the Sophist
whom Plato has made so ridiculous was a man of note whose writings were
preserved in later ages. The play on his name which was made by his
contemporary Herodicus (Aris. Rhet.), 'thou wast ever bold in
battle,' seems to show that the description of him is not devoid of
verisimilitude.

When Thrasymachus has been silenced, the two principal respondents,
Glaucon and Adeimantus, appear on the scene: here, as in Greek tragedy
(cp. Introd. to Phaedo), three actors are introduced. At first sight
the two sons of Ariston may seem to wear a family likeness, like the two
friends Simmias and Cebes in the Phaedo. But on a nearer examination
of them the similarity vanishes, and they are seen to be distinct
characters. Glaucon is the impetuous youth who can 'just never have
enough of fechting' (cp. the character of him in Xen. Mem. iii. 6);
the man of pleasure who is acquainted with the mysteries of love; the
'juvenis qui gaudet canibus,' and who improves the breed of animals; the
lover of art and music who has all the experiences of youthful life. He
is full of quickness and penetration, piercing easily below the clumsy
platitudes of Thrasymachus to the real difficulty; he turns out to the
light the seamy side of human life, and yet does not lose faith in the
just and true. It is Glaucon who seizes what may be termed the ludicrous
relation of the philosopher to the world, to whom a state of simplicity
is 'a city of pigs,' who is always prepared with a jest when the
argument offers him an opportunity, and who is ever ready to second
the humour of Socrates and to appreciate the ridiculous, whether in
the connoisseurs of music, or in the lovers of theatricals, or in the
fantastic behaviour of the citizens of democracy. His weaknesses are
several times alluded to by Socrates, who, however, will not allow him
to be attacked by his brother Adeimantus. He is a soldier, and, like
Adeimantus, has been distinguished at the battle of Megara (anno
456?)...The character of Adeimantus is deeper and graver, and the
profounder objections are commonly put into his mouth. Glaucon is more
demonstrative, and generally opens the game. Adeimantus pursues the
argument further. Glaucon has more of the liveliness and quick sympathy
of youth; Adeimantus has the maturer judgment of a grown-up man of
the world. In the second book, when Glaucon insists that justice and
injustice shall be considered without regard to their consequences,
Adeimantus remarks that they are regarded by mankind in general only for
the sake of their consequences; and in a similar vein of reflection he
urges at the beginning of the fourth book that Socrates fails in making
his citizens happy, and is answered that happiness is not the first but
the second thing, not the direct aim but the indirect consequence of
the good government of a State. In the discussion about religion and
mythology, Adeimantus is the respondent, but Glaucon breaks in with a
slight jest, and carries on the conversation in a lighter tone about
music and gymnastic to the end of the book. It is Adeimantus again
who volunteers the criticism of common sense on the Socratic method of
argument, and who refuses to let Socrates pass lightly over the question
of women and children. It is Adeimantus who is the respondent in the
more argumentative, as Glaucon in the lighter and more imaginative
portions of the Dialogue. For example, throughout the greater part
of the sixth book, the causes of the corruption of philosophy and the
conception of the idea of good are discussed with Adeimantus. Glaucon
resumes his place of principal respondent; but he has a difficulty in
apprehending the higher education of Socrates, and makes some false hits
in the course of the discussion. Once more Adeimantus returns with the
allusion to his brother Glaucon whom he compares to the contentious
State; in the next book he is again superseded, and Glaucon continues to
the end.

Thus in a succession of characters Plato represents the successive
stages of morality, beginning with the Athenian gentleman of the olden
time, who is followed by the practical man of that day regulating his
life by proverbs and saws; to him succeeds the wild generalization of
the Sophists, and lastly come the young disciples of the great teacher,
who know the sophistical arguments but will not be convinced by them,
and desire to go deeper into the nature of things. These too, like
Cephalus, Polemarchus, Thrasymachus, are clearly distinguished from one
another. Neither in the Republic, nor in any other Dialogue of Plato, is
a single character repeated.

The delineation of Socrates in the Republic is not wholly consistent. In
the first book we have more of the real Socrates, such as he is depicted
in the Memorabilia of Xenophon, in the earliest Dialogues of Plato, and
in the Apology. He is ironical, provoking, questioning, the old enemy
of the Sophists, ready to put on the mask of Silenus as well as to argue
seriously. But in the sixth book his enmity towards the Sophists abates;
he acknowledges that they are the representatives rather than the
corrupters of the world. He also becomes more dogmatic and constructive,
passing beyond the range either of the political or the speculative
ideas of the real Socrates. In one passage Plato himself seems to
intimate that the time had now come for Socrates, who had passed his
whole life in philosophy, to give his own opinion and not to be always
repeating the notions of other men. There is no evidence that either the
idea of good or the conception of a perfect state were comprehended in
the Socratic teaching, though he certainly dwelt on the nature of
the universal and of final causes (cp. Xen. Mem.; Phaedo); and a deep
thinker like him, in his thirty or forty years of public teaching, could
hardly have failed to touch on the nature of family relations, for
which there is also some positive evidence in the Memorabilia (Mem.) The
Socratic method is nominally retained; and every inference is either put
into the mouth of the respondent or represented as the common discovery
of him and Socrates. But any one can see that this is a mere form, of
which the affectation grows wearisome as the work advances. The method
of enquiry has passed into a method of teaching in which by the help of
interlocutors the same thesis is looked at from various points of view.
The nature of the process is truly characterized by Glaucon, when
he describes himself as a companion who is not good for much in an
investigation, but can see what he is shown, and may, perhaps, give the
answer to a question more fluently than another.

Neither can we be absolutely certain that Socrates himself taught the
immortality of the soul, which is unknown to his disciple Glaucon in the
Republic (cp. Apol.); nor is there any reason to suppose that he used
myths or revelations of another world as a vehicle of instruction,
or that he would have banished poetry or have denounced the Greek
mythology. His favorite oath is retained, and a slight mention is made
of the daemonium, or internal sign, which is alluded to by Socrates as
a phenomenon peculiar to himself. A real element of Socratic teaching,
which is more prominent in the Republic than in any of the other
Dialogues of Plato, is the use of example and illustration (Greek):
'Let us apply the test of common instances.' 'You,' says Adeimantus,
ironically, in the sixth book, 'are so unaccustomed to speak in images.'
And this use of examples or images, though truly Socratic in origin, is
enlarged by the genius of Plato into the form of an allegory or parable,
which embodies in the concrete what has been already described, or is
about to be described, in the abstract. Thus the figure of the cave in
Book VII is a recapitulation of the divisions of knowledge in Book VI.
The composite animal in Book IX is an allegory of the parts of the
soul. The noble captain and the ship and the true pilot in Book VI are
a figure of the relation of the people to the philosophers in the
State which has been described. Other figures, such as the dog, or
the marriage of the portionless maiden, or the drones and wasps in the
eighth and ninth books, also form links of connexion in long passages,
or are used to recall previous discussions.

Plato is most true to the character of his master when he describes him
as 'not of this world.' And with this representation of him the ideal
state and the other paradoxes of the Republic are quite in accordance,
though they cannot be shown to have been speculations of Socrates. To
him, as to other great teachers both philosophical and religious, when
they looked upward, the world seemed to be the embodiment of error and
evil. The common sense of mankind has revolted against this view, or
has only partially admitted it. And even in Socrates himself the sterner
judgement of the multitude at times passes into a sort of ironical pity
or love. Men in general are incapable of philosophy, and are therefore
at enmity with the philosopher; but their misunderstanding of him is
unavoidable: for they have never seen him as he truly is in his own
image; they are only acquainted with artificial systems possessing no
native force of truth--words which admit of many applications. Their
leaders have nothing to measure with, and are therefore ignorant of
their own stature. But they are to be pitied or laughed at, not to be
quarrelled with; they mean well with their nostrums, if they could only
learn that they are cutting off a Hydra's head. This moderation towards
those who are in error is one of the most characteristic features
of Socrates in the Republic. In all the different representations of
Socrates, whether of Xenophon or Plato, and amid the differences of
the earlier or later Dialogues, he always retains the character of the
unwearied and disinterested seeker after truth, without which he would
have ceased to be Socrates.

Leaving the characters we may now analyse the contents of the Republic,
and then proceed to consider (1) The general aspects of this Hellenic
ideal of the State, (2) The modern lights in which the thoughts of Plato
may be read.

BOOK I. The Republic opens with a truly Greek scene--a festival in
honour of the goddess Bendis which is held in the Piraeus; to this is
added the promise of an equestrian torch-race in the evening. The whole
work is supposed to be recited by Socrates on the day after the festival
to a small party, consisting of Critias, Timaeus, Hermocrates, and
another; this we learn from the first words of the Timaeus.

When the rhetorical advantage of reciting the Dialogue has been gained,
the attention is not distracted by any reference to the audience; nor
is the reader further reminded of the extraordinary length of the
narrative. Of the numerous company, three only take any serious part in
the discussion; nor are we informed whether in the evening they went to
the torch-race, or talked, as in the Symposium, through the night.
The manner in which the conversation has arisen is described as
follows:--Socrates and his companion Glaucon are about to leave the
festival when they are detained by a message from Polemarchus, who
speedily appears accompanied by Adeimantus, the brother of Glaucon, and
with playful violence compels them to remain, promising them not only
the torch-race, but the pleasure of conversation with the young, which
to Socrates is a far greater attraction. They return to the house of
Cephalus, Polemarchus' father, now in extreme old age, who is found
sitting upon a cushioned seat crowned for a sacrifice. 'You should come
to me oftener, Socrates, for I am too old to go to you; and at my time
of life, having lost other pleasures, I care the more for conversation.'
Socrates asks him what he thinks of age, to which the old man replies,
that the sorrows and discontents of age are to be attributed to the
tempers of men, and that age is a time of peace in which the tyranny
of the passions is no longer felt. Yes, replies Socrates, but the world
will say, Cephalus, that you are happy in old age because you are rich.
'And there is something in what they say, Socrates, but not so much as
they imagine--as Themistocles replied to the Seriphian, "Neither you, if
you had been an Athenian, nor I, if I had been a Seriphian, would ever
have been famous," I might in like manner reply to you, Neither a good
poor man can be happy in age, nor yet a bad rich man.' Socrates remarks
that Cephalus appears not to care about riches, a quality which he
ascribes to his having inherited, not acquired them, and would like
to know what he considers to be the chief advantage of them. Cephalus
answers that when you are old the belief in the world below grows upon
you, and then to have done justice and never to have been compelled to
do injustice through poverty, and never to have deceived anyone, are
felt to be unspeakable blessings. Socrates, who is evidently preparing
for an argument, next asks, What is the meaning of the word justice? To
tell the truth and pay your debts? No more than this? Or must we admit
exceptions? Ought I, for example, to put back into the hands of my
friend, who has gone mad, the sword which I borrowed of him when he
was in his right mind? 'There must be exceptions.' 'And yet,' says
Polemarchus, 'the definition which has been given has the authority
of Simonides.' Here Cephalus retires to look after the sacrifices,
and bequeaths, as Socrates facetiously remarks, the possession of the
argument to his heir, Polemarchus...

The description of old age is finished, and Plato, as his manner is, has
touched the key-note of the whole work in asking for the definition of
justice, first suggesting the question which Glaucon afterwards pursues
respecting external goods, and preparing for the concluding mythus of
the world below in the slight allusion of Cephalus. The portrait of the
just man is a natural frontispiece or introduction to the long discourse
which follows, and may perhaps imply that in all our perplexity about
the nature of justice, there is no difficulty in discerning 'who is
a just man.' The first explanation has been supported by a saying of
Simonides; and now Socrates has a mind to show that the resolution of
justice into two unconnected precepts, which have no common principle,
fails to satisfy the demands of dialectic.

...He proceeds: What did Simonides mean by this saying of his? Did he
mean that I was to give back arms to a madman? 'No, not in that case,
not if the parties are friends, and evil would result. He meant that you
were to do what was proper, good to friends and harm to enemies.' Every
act does something to somebody; and following this analogy, Socrates
asks, What is this due and proper thing which justice does, and to whom?
He is answered that justice does good to friends and harm to enemies.
But in what way good or harm? 'In making alliances with the one, and
going to war with the other.' Then in time of peace what is the good
of justice? The answer is that justice is of use in contracts, and
contracts are money partnerships. Yes; but how in such partnerships
is the just man of more use than any other man? 'When you want to have
money safely kept and not used.' Then justice will be useful when money
is useless. And there is another difficulty: justice, like the art of
war or any other art, must be of opposites, good at attack as well as
at defence, at stealing as well as at guarding. But then justice is a
thief, though a hero notwithstanding, like Autolycus, the Homeric hero,
who was 'excellent above all men in theft and perjury'--to such a pass
have you and Homer and Simonides brought us; though I do not forget that
the thieving must be for the good of friends and the harm of enemies.
And still there arises another question: Are friends to be interpreted
as real or seeming; enemies as real or seeming? And are our friends to
be only the good, and our enemies to be the evil? The answer is, that
we must do good to our seeming and real good friends, and evil to our
seeming and real evil enemies--good to the good, evil to the evil. But
ought we to render evil for evil at all, when to do so will only make
men more evil? Can justice produce injustice any more than the art of
horsemanship can make bad horsemen, or heat produce cold? The final
conclusion is, that no sage or poet ever said that the just return
evil for evil; this was a maxim of some rich and mighty man, Periander,
Perdiccas, or Ismenias the Theban (about B.C. 398-381)...

Thus the first stage of aphoristic or unconscious morality is shown to
be inadequate to the wants of the age; the authority of the poets is set
aside, and through the winding mazes of dialectic we make an approach
to the Christian precept of forgiveness of injuries. Similar words
are applied by the Persian mystic poet to the Divine being when the
questioning spirit is stirred within him:--'If because I do evil, Thou
punishest me by evil, what is the difference between Thee and me?' In
this both Plato and Kheyam rise above the level of many Christian (?)
theologians. The first definition of justice easily passes into the
second; for the simple words 'to speak the truth and pay your debts' is
substituted the more abstract 'to do good to your friends and harm to
your enemies.' Either of these explanations gives a sufficient rule
of life for plain men, but they both fall short of the precision of
philosophy. We may note in passing the antiquity of casuistry, which not
only arises out of the conflict of established principles in particular
cases, but also out of the effort to attain them, and is prior as well
as posterior to our fundamental notions of morality. The 'interrogation'
of moral ideas; the appeal to the authority of Homer; the conclusion
that the maxim, 'Do good to your friends and harm to your enemies,'
being erroneous, could not have been the word of any great man, are all
of them very characteristic of the Platonic Socrates.

...Here Thrasymachus, who has made several attempts to interrupt, but
has hitherto been kept in order by the company, takes advantage of a
pause and rushes into the arena, beginning, like a savage animal, with a
roar. 'Socrates,' he says, 'what folly is this?--Why do you agree to be
vanquished by one another in a pretended argument?' He then prohibits
all the ordinary definitions of justice; to which Socrates replies that
he cannot tell how many twelve is, if he is forbidden to say 2 x 6, or
3 x 4, or 6 x 2, or 4 x 3. At first Thrasymachus is reluctant to argue;
but at length, with a promise of payment on the part of the company and
of praise from Socrates, he is induced to open the game. 'Listen,' he
says, 'my answer is that might is right, justice the interest of the
stronger: now praise me.' Let me understand you first. Do you mean that
because Polydamas the wrestler, who is stronger than we are, finds the
eating of beef for his interest, the eating of beef is also for our
interest, who are not so strong? Thrasymachus is indignant at the
illustration, and in pompous words, apparently intended to restore
dignity to the argument, he explains his meaning to be that the rulers
make laws for their own interests. But suppose, says Socrates, that the
ruler or stronger makes a mistake--then the interest of the stronger is
not his interest. Thrasymachus is saved from this speedy downfall by his
disciple Cleitophon, who introduces the word 'thinks;'--not the actual
interest of the ruler, but what he thinks or what seems to be his
interest, is justice. The contradiction is escaped by the unmeaning
evasion: for though his real and apparent interests may differ, what the
ruler thinks to be his interest will always remain what he thinks to be
his interest.

Of course this was not the original assertion, nor is the new
interpretation accepted by Thrasymachus himself. But Socrates is not
disposed to quarrel about words, if, as he significantly insinuates,
his adversary has changed his mind. In what follows Thrasymachus does
in fact withdraw his admission that the ruler may make a mistake, for he
affirms that the ruler as a ruler is infallible. Socrates is quite ready
to accept the new position, which he equally turns against Thrasymachus
by the help of the analogy of the arts. Every art or science has an
interest, but this interest is to be distinguished from the accidental
interest of the artist, and is only concerned with the good of the
things or persons which come under the art. And justice has an interest
which is the interest not of the ruler or judge, but of those who come
under his sway.

Thrasymachus is on the brink of the inevitable conclusion, when he makes
a bold diversion. 'Tell me, Socrates,' he says, 'have you a nurse?' What
a question! Why do you ask? 'Because, if you have, she neglects you and
lets you go about drivelling, and has not even taught you to know the
shepherd from the sheep. For you fancy that shepherds and rulers never
think of their own interest, but only of their sheep or subjects,
whereas the truth is that they fatten them for their use, sheep and
subjects alike. And experience proves that in every relation of life
the just man is the loser and the unjust the gainer, especially where
injustice is on the grand scale, which is quite another thing from the
petty rogueries of swindlers and burglars and robbers of temples. The
language of men proves this--our 'gracious' and 'blessed' tyrant and the
like--all which tends to show (1) that justice is the interest of the
stronger; and (2) that injustice is more profitable and also stronger
than justice.'

Thrasymachus, who is better at a speech than at a close argument, having
deluged the company with words, has a mind to escape. But the others
will not let him go, and Socrates adds a humble but earnest request that
he will not desert them at such a crisis of their fate. 'And what can I
do more for you?' he says; 'would you have me put the words bodily
into your souls?' God forbid! replies Socrates; but we want you to be
consistent in the use of terms, and not to employ 'physician' in an
exact sense, and then again 'shepherd' or 'ruler' in an inexact,--if the
words are strictly taken, the ruler and the shepherd look only to the
good of their people or flocks and not to their own: whereas you insist
that rulers are solely actuated by love of office. 'No doubt about it,'
replies Thrasymachus. Then why are they paid? Is not the reason, that
their interest is not comprehended in their art, and is therefore the
concern of another art, the art of pay, which is common to the arts in
general, and therefore not identical with any one of them? Nor would any
man be a ruler unless he were induced by the hope of reward or the fear
of punishment;--the reward is money or honour, the punishment is the
necessity of being ruled by a man worse than himself. And if a State (or
Church) were composed entirely of good men, they would be affected by
the last motive only; and there would be as much 'nolo episcopari' as
there is at present of the opposite...

The satire on existing governments is heightened by the simple and
apparently incidental manner in which the last remark is introduced.
There is a similar irony in the argument that the governors of mankind
do not like being in office, and that therefore they demand pay.

...Enough of this: the other assertion of Thrasymachus is far more
important--that the unjust life is more gainful than the just. Now, as
you and I, Glaucon, are not convinced by him, we must reply to him; but
if we try to compare their respective gains we shall want a judge
to decide for us; we had better therefore proceed by making mutual
admissions of the truth to one another.

Thrasymachus had asserted that perfect injustice was more gainful than
perfect justice, and after a little hesitation he is induced by Socrates
to admit the still greater paradox that injustice is virtue and justice
vice. Socrates praises his frankness, and assumes the attitude of one
whose only wish is to understand the meaning of his opponents. At the
same time he is weaving a net in which Thrasymachus is finally enclosed.
The admission is elicited from him that the just man seeks to gain an
advantage over the unjust only, but not over the just, while the unjust
would gain an advantage over either. Socrates, in order to test this
statement, employs once more the favourite analogy of the arts. The
musician, doctor, skilled artist of any sort, does not seek to gain more
than the skilled, but only more than the unskilled (that is to say, he
works up to a rule, standard, law, and does not exceed it), whereas the
unskilled makes random efforts at excess. Thus the skilled falls on the
side of the good, and the unskilled on the side of the evil, and the
just is the skilled, and the unjust is the unskilled.

There was great difficulty in bringing Thrasymachus to the point; the
day was hot and he was streaming with perspiration, and for the first
time in his life he was seen to blush. But his other thesis that
injustice was stronger than justice has not yet been refuted, and
Socrates now proceeds to the consideration of this, which, with the
assistance of Thrasymachus, he hopes to clear up; the latter is at first
churlish, but in the judicious hands of Socrates is soon restored to
good-humour: Is there not honour among thieves? Is not the strength of
injustice only a remnant of justice? Is not absolute injustice absolute
weakness also? A house that is divided against itself cannot stand; two
men who quarrel detract from one another's strength, and he who is at
war with himself is the enemy of himself and the gods. Not wickedness
therefore, but semi-wickedness flourishes in states,--a remnant of
good is needed in order to make union in action possible,--there is no
kingdom of evil in this world.

Another question has not been answered: Is the just or the unjust the
happier? To this we reply, that every art has an end and an excellence
or virtue by which the end is accomplished. And is not the end of
the soul happiness, and justice the excellence of the soul by which
happiness is attained? Justice and happiness being thus shown to be
inseparable, the question whether the just or the unjust is the happier
has disappeared.

Thrasymachus replies: 'Let this be your entertainment, Socrates, at the
festival of Bendis.' Yes; and a very good entertainment with which your
kindness has supplied me, now that you have left off scolding. And yet
not a good entertainment--but that was my own fault, for I tasted of too
many things. First of all the nature of justice was the subject of our
enquiry, and then whether justice is virtue and wisdom, or evil and
folly; and then the comparative advantages of just and unjust: and the
sum of all is that I know not what justice is; how then shall I know
whether the just is happy or not?...

Thus the sophistical fabric has been demolished, chiefly by appealing
to the analogy of the arts. 'Justice is like the arts (1) in having no
external interest, and (2) in not aiming at excess, and (3) justice is
to happiness what the implement of the workman is to his work.' At this
the modern reader is apt to stumble, because he forgets that Plato is
writing in an age when the arts and the virtues, like the moral
and intellectual faculties, were still undistinguished. Among early
enquirers into the nature of human action the arts helped to fill up
the void of speculation; and at first the comparison of the arts and the
virtues was not perceived by them to be fallacious. They only saw the
points of agreement in them and not the points of difference. Virtue,
like art, must take means to an end; good manners are both an art and
a virtue; character is naturally described under the image of a statue;
and there are many other figures of speech which are readily transferred
from art to morals. The next generation cleared up these perplexities;
or at least supplied after ages with a further analysis of them. The
contemporaries of Plato were in a state of transition, and had not yet
fully realized the common-sense distinction of Aristotle, that 'virtue
is concerned with action, art with production' (Nic. Eth.), or that
'virtue implies intention and constancy of purpose,' whereas 'art
requires knowledge only'. And yet in the absurdities which follow from
some uses of the analogy, there seems to be an intimation conveyed that
virtue is more than art. This is implied in the reductio ad absurdum
that 'justice is a thief,' and in the dissatisfaction which Socrates
expresses at the final result.

The expression 'an art of pay' which is described as 'common to all the
arts' is not in accordance with the ordinary use of language. Nor is it
employed elsewhere either by Plato or by any other Greek writer. It is
suggested by the argument, and seems to extend the conception of art to
doing as well as making. Another flaw or inaccuracy of language may be
noted in the words 'men who are injured are made more unjust.' For
those who are injured are not necessarily made worse, but only harmed or
ill-treated.

The second of the three arguments, 'that the just does not aim at
excess,' has a real meaning, though wrapped up in an enigmatical form.
That the good is of the nature of the finite is a peculiarly Hellenic
sentiment, which may be compared with the language of those modern
writers who speak of virtue as fitness, and of freedom as obedience to
law. The mathematical or logical notion of limit easily passes into an
ethical one, and even finds a mythological expression in the conception
of envy (Greek). Ideas of measure, equality, order, unity, proportion,
still linger in the writings of moralists; and the true spirit of the
fine arts is better conveyed by such terms than by superlatives.

   'When workmen strive to do better than well,
   They do confound their skill in covetousness.'  (King John.)

The harmony of the soul and body, and of the parts of the soul with
one another, a harmony 'fairer than that of musical notes,' is the true
Hellenic mode of conceiving the perfection of human nature.

In what may be called the epilogue of the discussion with Thrasymachus,
Plato argues that evil is not a principle of strength, but of discord
and dissolution, just touching the question which has been often treated
in modern times by theologians and philosophers, of the negative nature
of evil. In the last argument we trace the germ of the Aristotelian
doctrine of an end and a virtue directed towards the end, which again is
suggested by the arts. The final reconcilement of justice and happiness
and the identity of the individual and the State are also intimated.
Socrates reassumes the character of a 'know-nothing;' at the same time
he appears to be not wholly satisfied with the manner in which the
argument has been conducted. Nothing is concluded; but the tendency of
the dialectical process, here as always, is to enlarge our conception of
ideas, and to widen their application to human life.

BOOK II. Thrasymachus is pacified, but the intrepid Glaucon insists on
continuing the argument. He is not satisfied with the indirect manner
in which, at the end of the last book, Socrates had disposed of the
question 'Whether the just or the unjust is the happier.' He begins
by dividing goods into three classes:--first, goods desirable in
themselves; secondly, goods desirable in themselves and for their
results; thirdly, goods desirable for their results only. He then asks
Socrates in which of the three classes he would place justice. In the
second class, replies Socrates, among goods desirable for themselves and
also for their results. 'Then the world in general are of another mind,
for they say that justice belongs to the troublesome class of goods
which are desirable for their results only. Socrates answers that this
is the doctrine of Thrasymachus which he rejects. Glaucon thinks that
Thrasymachus was too ready to listen to the voice of the charmer, and
proposes to consider the nature of justice and injustice in themselves
and apart from the results and rewards of them which the world is always
dinning in his ears. He will first of all speak of the nature and origin
of justice; secondly, of the manner in which men view justice as a
necessity and not a good; and thirdly, he will prove the reasonableness
of this view.

'To do injustice is said to be a good; to suffer injustice an evil. As
the evil is discovered by experience to be greater than the good, the
sufferers, who cannot also be doers, make a compact that they will have
neither, and this compact or mean is called justice, but is really the
impossibility of doing injustice. No one would observe such a compact
if he were not obliged. Let us suppose that the just and unjust have
two rings, like that of Gyges in the well-known story, which make them
invisible, and then no difference will appear in them, for every one
will do evil if he can. And he who abstains will be regarded by the
world as a fool for his pains. Men may praise him in public out of
fear for themselves, but they will laugh at him in their hearts (Cp.
Gorgias.)

'And now let us frame an ideal of the just and unjust. Imagine the
unjust man to be master of his craft, seldom making mistakes and easily
correcting them; having gifts of money, speech, strength--the greatest
villain bearing the highest character: and at his side let us place the
just in his nobleness and simplicity--being, not seeming--without name
or reward--clothed in his justice only--the best of men who is thought
to be the worst, and let him die as he has lived. I might add (but
I would rather put the rest into the mouth of the panegyrists of
injustice--they will tell you) that the just man will be scourged,
racked, bound, will have his eyes put out, and will at last be crucified
(literally impaled)--and all this because he ought to have preferred
seeming to being. How different is the case of the unjust who clings to
appearance as the true reality! His high character makes him a ruler;
he can marry where he likes, trade where he likes, help his friends and
hurt his enemies; having got rich by dishonesty he can worship the gods
better, and will therefore be more loved by them than the just.'

I was thinking what to answer, when Adeimantus joined in the already
unequal fray. He considered that the most important point of all had
been omitted:--'Men are taught to be just for the sake of rewards;
parents and guardians make reputation the incentive to virtue. And other
advantages are promised by them of a more solid kind, such as wealthy
marriages and high offices. There are the pictures in Homer and Hesiod
of fat sheep and heavy fleeces, rich corn-fields and trees toppling with
fruit, which the gods provide in this life for the just. And the Orphic
poets add a similar picture of another. The heroes of Musaeus and
Eumolpus lie on couches at a festival, with garlands on their heads,
enjoying as the meed of virtue a paradise of immortal drunkenness.
Some go further, and speak of a fair posterity in the third and fourth
generation. But the wicked they bury in a slough and make them carry
water in a sieve: and in this life they attribute to them the infamy
which Glaucon was assuming to be the lot of the just who are supposed to
be unjust.

'Take another kind of argument which is found both in poetry and
prose:--"Virtue," as Hesiod says, "is honourable but difficult, vice is
easy and profitable." You may often see the wicked in great prosperity
and the righteous afflicted by the will of heaven. And mendicant
prophets knock at rich men's doors, promising to atone for the sins
of themselves or their fathers in an easy fashion with sacrifices and
festive games, or with charms and invocations to get rid of an enemy
good or bad by divine help and at a small charge;--they appeal to books
professing to be written by Musaeus and Orpheus, and carry away the
minds of whole cities, and promise to "get souls out of purgatory;" and
if we refuse to listen to them, no one knows what will happen to us.

'When a lively-minded ingenuous youth hears all this, what will be his
conclusion? "Will he," in the language of Pindar, "make justice his high
tower, or fortify himself with crooked deceit?" Justice, he reflects,
without the appearance of justice, is misery and ruin; injustice has the
promise of a glorious life. Appearance is master of truth and lord of
happiness. To appearance then I will turn,--I will put on the show
of virtue and trail behind me the fox of Archilochus. I hear some one
saying that "wickedness is not easily concealed," to which I reply that
"nothing great is easy." Union and force and rhetoric will do much; and
if men say that they cannot prevail over the gods, still how do we know
that there are gods? Only from the poets, who acknowledge that they may
be appeased by sacrifices. Then why not sin and pay for indulgences out
of your sin? For if the righteous are only unpunished, still they have
no further reward, while the wicked may be unpunished and have the
pleasure of sinning too. But what of the world below? Nay, says the
argument, there are atoning powers who will set that matter right, as
the poets, who are the sons of the gods, tell us; and this is confirmed
by the authority of the State.

'How can we resist such arguments in favour of injustice? Add good
manners, and, as the wise tell us, we shall make the best of both
worlds. Who that is not a miserable caitiff will refrain from smiling at
the praises of justice? Even if a man knows the better part he will not
be angry with others; for he knows also that more than human virtue is
needed to save a man, and that he only praises justice who is incapable
of injustice.

'The origin of the evil is that all men from the beginning, heroes,
poets, instructors of youth, have always asserted "the temporal
dispensation," the honours and profits of justice. Had we been taught in
early youth the power of justice and injustice inherent in the soul, and
unseen by any human or divine eye, we should not have needed others to
be our guardians, but every one would have been the guardian of himself.
This is what I want you to show, Socrates;--other men use arguments
which rather tend to strengthen the position of Thrasymachus that "might
is right;" but from you I expect better things. And please, as Glaucon
said, to exclude reputation; let the just be thought unjust and the
unjust just, and do you still prove to us the superiority of justice'...

The thesis, which for the sake of argument has been maintained by
Glaucon, is the converse of that of Thrasymachus--not right is the
interest of the stronger, but right is the necessity of the weaker.
Starting from the same premises he carries the analysis of society a
step further back;--might is still right, but the might is the weakness
of the many combined against the strength of the few.

There have been theories in modern as well as in ancient times which
have a family likeness to the speculations of Glaucon; e.g. that power
is the foundation of right; or that a monarch has a divine right to
govern well or ill; or that virtue is self-love or the love of power; or
that war is the natural state of man; or that private vices are public
benefits. All such theories have a kind of plausibility from their
partial agreement with experience. For human nature oscillates between
good and evil, and the motives of actions and the origin of institutions
may be explained to a certain extent on either hypothesis according to
the character or point of view of a particular thinker. The obligation
of maintaining authority under all circumstances and sometimes by rather
questionable means is felt strongly and has become a sort of instinct
among civilized men. The divine right of kings, or more generally of
governments, is one of the forms under which this natural feeling is
expressed. Nor again is there any evil which has not some accompaniment
of good or pleasure; nor any good which is free from some alloy of evil;
nor any noble or generous thought which may not be attended by a shadow
or the ghost of a shadow of self-interest or of self-love. We know that
all human actions are imperfect; but we do not therefore attribute
them to the worse rather than to the better motive or principle. Such
a philosophy is both foolish and false, like that opinion of the clever
rogue who assumes all other men to be like himself. And theories of this
sort do not represent the real nature of the State, which is based on a
vague sense of right gradually corrected and enlarged by custom and law
(although capable also of perversion), any more than they describe the
origin of society, which is to be sought in the family and in the
social and religious feelings of man. Nor do they represent the average
character of individuals, which cannot be explained simply on a theory
of evil, but has always a counteracting element of good. And as men
become better such theories appear more and more untruthful to them,
because they are more conscious of their own disinterestedness. A little
experience may make a man a cynic; a great deal will bring him back to
a truer and kindlier view of the mixed nature of himself and his fellow
men.

The two brothers ask Socrates to prove to them that the just is happy
when they have taken from him all that in which happiness is ordinarily
supposed to consist. Not that there is (1) any absurdity in the attempt
to frame a notion of justice apart from circumstances. For the ideal
must always be a paradox when compared with the ordinary conditions of
human life. Neither the Stoical ideal nor the Christian ideal is true as
a fact, but they may serve as a basis of education, and may exercise an
ennobling influence. An ideal is none the worse because 'some one has
made the discovery' that no such ideal was ever realized. And in a
few exceptional individuals who are raised above the ordinary level of
humanity, the ideal of happiness may be realized in death and misery.
This may be the state which the reason deliberately approves, and which
the utilitarian as well as every other moralist may be bound in certain
cases to prefer.

Nor again, (2) must we forget that Plato, though he agrees generally
with the view implied in the argument of the two brothers, is not
expressing his own final conclusion, but rather seeking to dramatize one
of the aspects of ethical truth. He is developing his idea gradually in
a series of positions or situations. He is exhibiting Socrates for the
first time undergoing the Socratic interrogation. Lastly, (3) the word
'happiness' involves some degree of confusion because associated in the
language of modern philosophy with conscious pleasure or satisfaction,
which was not equally present to his mind.

Glaucon has been drawing a picture of the misery of the just and the
happiness of the unjust, to which the misery of the tyrant in Book IX is
the answer and parallel. And still the unjust must appear just; that is
'the homage which vice pays to virtue.' But now Adeimantus, taking up
the hint which had been already given by Glaucon, proceeds to show
that in the opinion of mankind justice is regarded only for the sake of
rewards and reputation, and points out the advantage which is given to
such arguments as those of Thrasymachus and Glaucon by the conventional
morality of mankind. He seems to feel the difficulty of 'justifying the
ways of God to man.' Both the brothers touch upon the question, whether
the morality of actions is determined by their consequences; and both
of them go beyond the position of Socrates, that justice belongs to
the class of goods not desirable for themselves only, but desirable for
themselves and for their results, to which he recalls them. In
their attempt to view justice as an internal principle, and in their
condemnation of the poets, they anticipate him. The common life of
Greece is not enough for them; they must penetrate deeper into the
nature of things.

It has been objected that justice is honesty in the sense of Glaucon and
Adeimantus, but is taken by Socrates to mean all virtue. May we not
more truly say that the old-fashioned notion of justice is enlarged by
Socrates, and becomes equivalent to universal order or well-being, first
in the State, and secondly in the individual? He has found a new answer
to his old question (Protag.), 'whether the virtues are one or many,'
viz. that one is the ordering principle of the three others. In seeking
to establish the purely internal nature of justice, he is met by the
fact that man is a social being, and he tries to harmonise the two
opposite theses as well as he can. There is no more inconsistency in
this than was inevitable in his age and country; there is no use in
turning upon him the cross lights of modern philosophy, which, from some
other point of view, would appear equally inconsistent. Plato does not
give the final solution of philosophical questions for us; nor can he be
judged of by our standard.

The remainder of the Republic is developed out of the question of
the sons of Ariston. Three points are deserving of remark in what
immediately follows:--First, that the answer of Socrates is altogether
indirect. He does not say that happiness consists in the contemplation
of the idea of justice, and still less will he be tempted to affirm the
Stoical paradox that the just man can be happy on the rack. But first he
dwells on the difficulty of the problem and insists on restoring man to
his natural condition, before he will answer the question at all. He
too will frame an ideal, but his ideal comprehends not only abstract
justice, but the whole relations of man. Under the fanciful illustration
of the large letters he implies that he will only look for justice in
society, and that from the State he will proceed to the individual. His
answer in substance amounts to this,--that under favourable conditions,
i.e. in the perfect State, justice and happiness will coincide, and that
when justice has been once found, happiness may be left to take care
of itself. That he falls into some degree of inconsistency, when in
the tenth book he claims to have got rid of the rewards and honours
of justice, may be admitted; for he has left those which exist in the
perfect State. And the philosopher 'who retires under the shelter of a
wall' can hardly have been esteemed happy by him, at least not in this
world. Still he maintains the true attitude of moral action. Let a man
do his duty first, without asking whether he will be happy or not, and
happiness will be the inseparable accident which attends him. 'Seek ye
first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and all these things
shall be added unto you.'

Secondly, it may be remarked that Plato preserves the genuine character
of Greek thought in beginning with the State and in going on to the
individual. First ethics, then politics--this is the order of ideas to
us; the reverse is the order of history. Only after many struggles of
thought does the individual assert his right as a moral being. In early
ages he is not ONE, but one of many, the citizen of a State which is
prior to him; and he has no notion of good or evil apart from the law
of his country or the creed of his church. And to this type he is
constantly tending to revert, whenever the influence of custom, or of
party spirit, or the recollection of the past becomes too strong for
him.

Thirdly, we may observe the confusion or identification of the
individual and the State, of ethics and politics, which pervades early
Greek speculation, and even in modern times retains a certain degree of
influence. The subtle difference between the collective and individual
action of mankind seems to have escaped early thinkers, and we too are
sometimes in danger of forgetting the conditions of united human action,
whenever we either elevate politics into ethics, or lower ethics to the
standard of politics. The good man and the good citizen only coincide in
the perfect State; and this perfection cannot be attained by legislation
acting upon them from without, but, if at all, by education fashioning
them from within.

...Socrates praises the sons of Ariston, 'inspired offspring of
the renowned hero,' as the elegiac poet terms them; but he does not
understand how they can argue so eloquently on behalf of injustice while
their character shows that they are uninfluenced by their own arguments.
He knows not how to answer them, although he is afraid of deserting
justice in the hour of need. He therefore makes a condition, that having
weak eyes he shall be allowed to read the large letters first and then
go on to the smaller, that is, he must look for justice in the State
first, and will then proceed to the individual. Accordingly he begins to
construct the State.

Society arises out of the wants of man. His first want is food; his
second a house; his third a coat. The sense of these needs and the
possibility of satisfying them by exchange, draw individuals together on
the same spot; and this is the beginning of a State, which we take the
liberty to invent, although necessity is the real inventor. There must
be first a husbandman, secondly a builder, thirdly a weaver, to which
may be added a cobbler. Four or five citizens at least are required to
make a city. Now men have different natures, and one man will do one
thing better than many; and business waits for no man. Hence there must
be a division of labour into different employments; into wholesale
and retail trade; into workers, and makers of workmen's tools; into
shepherds and husbandmen. A city which includes all this will have far
exceeded the limit of four or five, and yet not be very large. But then
again imports will be required, and imports necessitate exports,
and this implies variety of produce in order to attract the taste of
purchasers; also merchants and ships. In the city too we must have a
market and money and retail trades; otherwise buyers and sellers will
never meet, and the valuable time of the producers will be wasted in
vain efforts at exchange. If we add hired servants the State will be
complete. And we may guess that somewhere in the intercourse of the
citizens with one another justice and injustice will appear.

Here follows a rustic picture of their way of life. They spend their
days in houses which they have built for themselves; they make their
own clothes and produce their own corn and wine. Their principal food is
meal and flour, and they drink in moderation. They live on the best
of terms with each other, and take care not to have too many children.
'But,' said Glaucon, interposing, 'are they not to have a relish?'
Certainly; they will have salt and olives and cheese, vegetables and
fruits, and chestnuts to roast at the fire. ''Tis a city of pigs,
Socrates.' Why, I replied, what do you want more? 'Only the comforts of
life,--sofas and tables, also sauces and sweets.' I see; you want not
only a State, but a luxurious State; and possibly in the more complex
frame we may sooner find justice and injustice. Then the fine arts must
go to work--every conceivable instrument and ornament of luxury will be
wanted. There will be dancers, painters, sculptors, musicians, cooks,
barbers, tire-women, nurses, artists; swineherds and neatherds too for
the animals, and physicians to cure the disorders of which luxury is the
source. To feed all these superfluous mouths we shall need a part of
our neighbour's land, and they will want a part of ours. And this is the
origin of war, which may be traced to the same causes as other political
evils. Our city will now require the slight addition of a camp, and
the citizen will be converted into a soldier. But then again our old
doctrine of the division of labour must not be forgotten. The art of
war cannot be learned in a day, and there must be a natural aptitude
for military duties. There will be some warlike natures who have this
aptitude--dogs keen of scent, swift of foot to pursue, and strong of
limb to fight. And as spirit is the foundation of courage, such natures,
whether of men or animals, will be full of spirit. But these spirited
natures are apt to bite and devour one another; the union of
gentleness to friends and fierceness against enemies appears to be an
impossibility, and the guardian of a State requires both qualities. Who
then can be a guardian? The image of the dog suggests an answer. For
dogs are gentle to friends and fierce to strangers. Your dog is a
philosopher who judges by the rule of knowing or not knowing; and
philosophy, whether in man or beast, is the parent of gentleness. The
human watchdogs must be philosophers or lovers of learning which will
make them gentle. And how are they to be learned without education?

But what shall their education be? Is any better than the old-fashioned
sort which is comprehended under the name of music and gymnastic? Music
includes literature, and literature is of two kinds, true and false.
'What do you mean?' he said. I mean that children hear stories before
they learn gymnastics, and that the stories are either untrue, or have
at most one or two grains of truth in a bushel of falsehood. Now early
life is very impressible, and children ought not to learn what they will
have to unlearn when they grow up; we must therefore have a censorship
of nursery tales, banishing some and keeping others. Some of them are
very improper, as we may see in the great instances of Homer and Hesiod,
who not only tell lies but bad lies; stories about Uranus and Saturn,
which are immoral as well as false, and which should never be spoken of
to young persons, or indeed at all; or, if at all, then in a mystery,
after the sacrifice, not of an Eleusinian pig, but of some unprocurable
animal. Shall our youth be encouraged to beat their fathers by the
example of Zeus, or our citizens be incited to quarrel by hearing or
seeing representations of strife among the gods? Shall they listen to
the narrative of Hephaestus binding his mother, and of Zeus sending him
flying for helping her when she was beaten? Such tales may possibly have
a mystical interpretation, but the young are incapable of understanding
allegory. If any one asks what tales are to be allowed, we will answer
that we are legislators and not book-makers; we only lay down the
principles according to which books are to be written; to write them is
the duty of others.

And our first principle is, that God must be represented as he is; not
as the author of all things, but of good only. We will not suffer the
poets to say that he is the steward of good and evil, or that he has two
casks full of destinies;--or that Athene and Zeus incited Pandarus to
break the treaty; or that God caused the sufferings of Niobe, or of
Pelops, or the Trojan war; or that he makes men sin when he wishes to
destroy them. Either these were not the actions of the gods, or God was
just, and men were the better for being punished. But that the deed was
evil, and God the author, is a wicked, suicidal fiction which we will
allow no one, old or young, to utter. This is our first and great
principle--God is the author of good only.

And the second principle is like unto it:--With God is no variableness
or change of form. Reason teaches us this; for if we suppose a change
in God, he must be changed either by another or by himself. By
another?--but the best works of nature and art and the noblest qualities
of mind are least liable to be changed by any external force. By
himself?--but he cannot change for the better; he will hardly change
for the worse. He remains for ever fairest and best in his own image.
Therefore we refuse to listen to the poets who tell us of Here begging
in the likeness of a priestess or of other deities who prowl about at
night in strange disguises; all that blasphemous nonsense with which
mothers fool the manhood out of their children must be suppressed. But
some one will say that God, who is himself unchangeable, may take a form
in relation to us. Why should he? For gods as well as men hate the lie
in the soul, or principle of falsehood; and as for any other form of
lying which is used for a purpose and is regarded as innocent in certain
exceptional cases--what need have the gods of this? For they are not
ignorant of antiquity like the poets, nor are they afraid of their
enemies, nor is any madman a friend of theirs. God then is true, he is
absolutely true; he changes not, he deceives not, by day or night, by
word or sign. This is our second great principle--God is true. Away
with the lying dream of Agamemnon in Homer, and the accusation of Thetis
against Apollo in Aeschylus...

In order to give clearness to his conception of the State, Plato
proceeds to trace the first principles of mutual need and of division
of labour in an imaginary community of four or five citizens. Gradually
this community increases; the division of labour extends to countries;
imports necessitate exports; a medium of exchange is required, and
retailers sit in the market-place to save the time of the producers.
These are the steps by which Plato constructs the first or primitive
State, introducing the elements of political economy by the way. As
he is going to frame a second or civilized State, the simple naturally
comes before the complex. He indulges, like Rousseau, in a picture of
primitive life--an idea which has indeed often had a powerful influence
on the imagination of mankind, but he does not seriously mean to say
that one is better than the other (Politicus); nor can any inference
be drawn from the description of the first state taken apart from the
second, such as Aristotle appears to draw in the Politics. We should not
interpret a Platonic dialogue any more than a poem or a parable in too
literal or matter-of-fact a style. On the other hand, when we compare
the lively fancy of Plato with the dried-up abstractions of modern
treatises on philosophy, we are compelled to say with Protagoras, that
the 'mythus is more interesting' (Protag.)

Several interesting remarks which in modern times would have a place in
a treatise on Political Economy are scattered up and down the writings
of Plato: especially Laws, Population; Free Trade; Adulteration; Wills
and Bequests; Begging; Eryxias, (though not Plato's), Value and Demand;
Republic, Division of Labour. The last subject, and also the origin of
Retail Trade, is treated with admirable lucidity in the second book of
the Republic. But Plato never combined his economic ideas into a system,
and never seems to have recognized that Trade is one of the great motive
powers of the State and of the world. He would make retail traders
only of the inferior sort of citizens (Rep., Laws), though he remarks,
quaintly enough (Laws), that 'if only the best men and the best women
everywhere were compelled to keep taverns for a time or to carry on
retail trade, etc., then we should knew how pleasant and agreeable all
these things are.'

The disappointment of Glaucon at the 'city of pigs,' the ludicrous
description of the ministers of luxury in the more refined State, and
the afterthought of the necessity of doctors, the illustration of the
nature of the guardian taken from the dog, the desirableness of
offering some almost unprocurable victim when impure mysteries are to be
celebrated, the behaviour of Zeus to his father and of Hephaestus to
his mother, are touches of humour which have also a serious meaning. In
speaking of education Plato rather startles us by affirming that a child
must be trained in falsehood first and in truth afterwards. Yet this is
not very different from saying that children must be taught through
the medium of imagination as well as reason; that their minds can only
develope gradually, and that there is much which they must learn without
understanding. This is also the substance of Plato's view, though he
must be acknowledged to have drawn the line somewhat differently from
modern ethical writers, respecting truth and falsehood. To us, economies
or accommodations would not be allowable unless they were required by
the human faculties or necessary for the communication of knowledge to
the simple and ignorant. We should insist that the word was inseparable
from the intention, and that we must not be 'falsely true,' i.e. speak
or act falsely in support of what was right or true. But Plato would
limit the use of fictions only by requiring that they should have a good
moral effect, and that such a dangerous weapon as falsehood should be
employed by the rulers alone and for great objects.

A Greek in the age of Plato attached no importance to the question
whether his religion was an historical fact. He was just beginning to be
conscious that the past had a history; but he could see nothing beyond
Homer and Hesiod. Whether their narratives were true or false did not
seriously affect the political or social life of Hellas. Men only began
to suspect that they were fictions when they recognised them to be
immoral. And so in all religions: the consideration of their morality
comes first, afterwards the truth of the documents in which they are
recorded, or of the events natural or supernatural which are told of
them. But in modern times, and in Protestant countries perhaps more than
in Catholic, we have been too much inclined to identify the historical
with the moral; and some have refused to believe in religion at all,
unless a superhuman accuracy was discernible in every part of the
record. The facts of an ancient or religious history are amongst the
most important of all facts; but they are frequently uncertain, and we
only learn the true lesson which is to be gathered from them when we
place ourselves above them. These reflections tend to show that the
difference between Plato and ourselves, though not unimportant, is not
so great as might at first sight appear. For we should agree with him
in placing the moral before the historical truth of religion; and,
generally, in disregarding those errors or misstatements of fact which
necessarily occur in the early stages of all religions. We know also
that changes in the traditions of a country cannot be made in a day; and
are therefore tolerant of many things which science and criticism would
condemn.

We note in passing that the allegorical interpretation of mythology,
said to have been first introduced as early as the sixth century before
Christ by Theagenes of Rhegium, was well established in the age of
Plato, and here, as in the Phaedrus, though for a different reason, was
rejected by him. That anachronisms whether of religion or law, when
men have reached another stage of civilization, should be got rid of by
fictions is in accordance with universal experience. Great is the art of
interpretation; and by a natural process, which when once discovered was
always going on, what could not be altered was explained away. And so
without any palpable inconsistency there existed side by side two forms
of religion, the tradition inherited or invented by the poets and
the customary worship of the temple; on the other hand, there was the
religion of the philosopher, who was dwelling in the heaven of ideas,
but did not therefore refuse to offer a cock to Aesculapius, or to
be seen saying his prayers at the rising of the sun. At length the
antagonism between the popular and philosophical religion, never so
great among the Greeks as in our own age, disappeared, and was only felt
like the difference between the religion of the educated and uneducated
among ourselves. The Zeus of Homer and Hesiod easily passed into
the 'royal mind' of Plato (Philebus); the giant Heracles became the
knight-errant and benefactor of mankind. These and still more wonderful
transformations were readily effected by the ingenuity of Stoics and
neo-Platonists in the two or three centuries before and after Christ.
The Greek and Roman religions were gradually permeated by the spirit of
philosophy; having lost their ancient meaning, they were resolved into
poetry and morality; and probably were never purer than at the time of
their decay, when their influence over the world was waning.

A singular conception which occurs towards the end of the book is
the lie in the soul; this is connected with the Platonic and Socratic
doctrine that involuntary ignorance is worse than voluntary. The lie
in the soul is a true lie, the corruption of the highest truth, the
deception of the highest part of the soul, from which he who is deceived
has no power of delivering himself. For example, to represent God
as false or immoral, or, according to Plato, as deluding men with
appearances or as the author of evil; or again, to affirm with
Protagoras that 'knowledge is sensation,' or that 'being is becoming,'
or with Thrasymachus 'that might is right,' would have been regarded by
Plato as a lie of this hateful sort. The greatest unconsciousness of the
greatest untruth, e.g. if, in the language of the Gospels (John), 'he
who was blind' were to say 'I see,' is another aspect of the state
of mind which Plato is describing. The lie in the soul may be further
compared with the sin against the Holy Ghost (Luke), allowing for the
difference between Greek and Christian modes of speaking. To this is
opposed the lie in words, which is only such a deception as may occur
in a play or poem, or allegory or figure of speech, or in any sort of
accommodation,--which though useless to the gods may be useful to men
in certain cases. Socrates is here answering the question which he had
himself raised about the propriety of deceiving a madman; and he is also
contrasting the nature of God and man. For God is Truth, but mankind can
only be true by appearing sometimes to be partial, or false. Reserving
for another place the greater questions of religion or education, we
may note further, (1) the approval of the old traditional education
of Greece; (2) the preparation which Plato is making for the attack on
Homer and the poets; (3) the preparation which he is also making for the
use of economies in the State; (4) the contemptuous and at the same time
euphemistic manner in which here as below he alludes to the 'Chronique
Scandaleuse' of the gods.

BOOK III. There is another motive in purifying religion, which is to
banish fear; for no man can be courageous who is afraid of death, or who
believes the tales which are repeated by the poets concerning the world
below. They must be gently requested not to abuse hell; they may be
reminded that their stories are both untrue and discouraging. Nor must
they be angry if we expunge obnoxious passages, such as the depressing
words of Achilles--'I would rather be a serving-man than rule over
all the dead;' and the verses which tell of the squalid mansions, the
senseless shadows, the flitting soul mourning over lost strength and
youth, the soul with a gibber going beneath the earth like smoke, or
the souls of the suitors which flutter about like bats. The terrors and
horrors of Cocytus and Styx, ghosts and sapless shades, and the rest
of their Tartarean nomenclature, must vanish. Such tales may have their
use; but they are not the proper food for soldiers. As little can we
admit the sorrows and sympathies of the Homeric heroes:--Achilles, the
son of Thetis, in tears, throwing ashes on his head, or pacing up and
down the sea-shore in distraction; or Priam, the cousin of the gods,
crying aloud, rolling in the mire. A good man is not prostrated at
the loss of children or fortune. Neither is death terrible to him; and
therefore lamentations over the dead should not be practised by men of
note; they should be the concern of inferior persons only, whether women
or men. Still worse is the attribution of such weakness to the gods; as
when the goddesses say, 'Alas! my travail!' and worst of all, when the
king of heaven himself laments his inability to save Hector, or sorrows
over the impending doom of his dear Sarpedon. Such a character of God,
if not ridiculed by our young men, is likely to be imitated by them.
Nor should our citizens be given to excess of laughter--'Such violent
delights' are followed by a violent re-action. The description in the
Iliad of the gods shaking their sides at the clumsiness of Hephaestus
will not be admitted by us. 'Certainly not.'

Truth should have a high place among the virtues, for falsehood, as
we were saying, is useless to the gods, and only useful to men as a
medicine. But this employment of falsehood must remain a privilege of
state; the common man must not in return tell a lie to the ruler; any
more than the patient would tell a lie to his physician, or the sailor
to his captain.

In the next place our youth must be temperate, and temperance consists
in self-control and obedience to authority. That is a lesson which Homer
teaches in some places: 'The Achaeans marched on breathing prowess, in
silent awe of their leaders;'--but a very different one in other places:
'O heavy with wine, who hast the eyes of a dog, but the heart of a
stag.' Language of the latter kind will not impress self-control on the
minds of youth. The same may be said about his praises of eating and
drinking and his dread of starvation; also about the verses in which he
tells of the rapturous loves of Zeus and Here, or of how Hephaestus once
detained Ares and Aphrodite in a net on a similar occasion. There is a
nobler strain heard in the words:--'Endure, my soul, thou hast endured
worse.' Nor must we allow our citizens to receive bribes, or to say,
'Gifts persuade the gods, gifts reverend kings;' or to applaud the
ignoble advice of Phoenix to Achilles that he should get money out of
the Greeks before he assisted them; or the meanness of Achilles himself
in taking gifts from Agamemnon; or his requiring a ransom for the body
of Hector; or his cursing of Apollo; or his insolence to the river-god
Scamander; or his dedication to the dead Patroclus of his own hair which
had been already dedicated to the other river-god Spercheius; or his
cruelty in dragging the body of Hector round the walls, and slaying
the captives at the pyre: such a combination of meanness and cruelty in
Cheiron's pupil is inconceivable. The amatory exploits of Peirithous and
Theseus are equally unworthy. Either these so-called sons of gods were
not the sons of gods, or they were not such as the poets imagine them,
any more than the gods themselves are the authors of evil. The youth who
believes that such things are done by those who have the blood of heaven
flowing in their veins will be too ready to imitate their example.

Enough of gods and heroes;--what shall we say about men? What the poets
and story-tellers say--that the wicked prosper and the righteous are
afflicted, or that justice is another's gain? Such misrepresentations
cannot be allowed by us. But in this we are anticipating the definition
of justice, and had therefore better defer the enquiry.

The subjects of poetry have been sufficiently treated; next follows
style. Now all poetry is a narrative of events past, present, or to
come; and narrative is of three kinds, the simple, the imitative, and
a composition of the two. An instance will make my meaning clear.
The first scene in Homer is of the last or mixed kind, being partly
description and partly dialogue. But if you throw the dialogue into the
'oratio obliqua,' the passage will run thus: The priest came and prayed
Apollo that the Achaeans might take Troy and have a safe return if
Agamemnon would only give him back his daughter; and the other Greeks
assented, but Agamemnon was wroth, and so on--The whole then becomes
descriptive, and the poet is the only speaker left; or, if you omit the
narrative, the whole becomes dialogue. These are the three styles--which
of them is to be admitted into our State? 'Do you ask whether tragedy
and comedy are to be admitted?' Yes, but also something more--Is it not
doubtful whether our guardians are to be imitators at all? Or rather,
has not the question been already answered, for we have decided that one
man cannot in his life play many parts, any more than he can act both
tragedy and comedy, or be rhapsodist and actor at once? Human nature
is coined into very small pieces, and as our guardians have their own
business already, which is the care of freedom, they will have enough
to do without imitating. If they imitate they should imitate, not any
meanness or baseness, but the good only; for the mask which the actor
wears is apt to become his face. We cannot allow men to play the parts
of women, quarrelling, weeping, scolding, or boasting against the
gods,--least of all when making love or in labour. They must not
represent slaves, or bullies, or cowards, drunkards, or madmen, or
blacksmiths, or neighing horses, or bellowing bulls, or sounding rivers,
or a raging sea. A good or wise man will be willing to perform good and
wise actions, but he will be ashamed to play an inferior part which he
has never practised; and he will prefer to employ the descriptive style
with as little imitation as possible. The man who has no self-respect,
on the contrary, will imitate anybody and anything; sounds of nature
and cries of animals alike; his whole performance will be imitation of
gesture and voice. Now in the descriptive style there are few changes,
but in the dramatic there are a great many. Poets and musicians use
either, or a compound of both, and this compound is very attractive
to youth and their teachers as well as to the vulgar. But our State in
which one man plays one part only is not adapted for complexity. And
when one of these polyphonous pantomimic gentlemen offers to exhibit
himself and his poetry we will show him every observance of respect,
but at the same time tell him that there is no room for his kind in our
State; we prefer the rough, honest poet, and will not depart from our
original models (Laws).

Next as to the music. A song or ode has three parts,--the subject, the
harmony, and the rhythm; of which the two last are dependent upon the
first. As we banished strains of lamentation, so we may now banish the
mixed Lydian harmonies, which are the harmonies of lamentation; and
as our citizens are to be temperate, we may also banish convivial
harmonies, such as the Ionian and pure Lydian. Two remain--the
Dorian and Phrygian, the first for war, the second for peace; the
one expressive of courage, the other of obedience or instruction or
religious feeling. And as we reject varieties of harmony, we shall
also reject the many-stringed, variously-shaped instruments which give
utterance to them, and in particular the flute, which is more complex
than any of them. The lyre and the harp may be permitted in the town,
and the Pan's-pipe in the fields. Thus we have made a purgation of
music, and will now make a purgation of metres. These should be like the
harmonies, simple and suitable to the occasion. There are four notes
of the tetrachord, and there are three ratios of metre, 3/2, 2/2,
2/1, which have all their characteristics, and the feet have different
characteristics as well as the rhythms. But about this you and I must
ask Damon, the great musician, who speaks, if I remember rightly, of a
martial measure as well as of dactylic, trochaic, and iambic rhythms,
which he arranges so as to equalize the syllables with one another,
assigning to each the proper quantity. We only venture to affirm the
general principle that the style is to conform to the subject and the
metre to the style; and that the simplicity and harmony of the soul
should be reflected in them all. This principle of simplicity has to
be learnt by every one in the days of his youth, and may be gathered
anywhere, from the creative and constructive arts, as well as from the
forms of plants and animals.

Other artists as well as poets should be warned against meanness or
unseemliness. Sculpture and painting equally with music must conform to
the law of simplicity. He who violates it cannot be allowed to work in
our city, and to corrupt the taste of our citizens. For our guardians
must grow up, not amid images of deformity which will gradually poison
and corrupt their souls, but in a land of health and beauty where they
will drink in from every object sweet and harmonious influences. And of
all these influences the greatest is the education given by music,
which finds a way into the innermost soul and imparts to it the sense
of beauty and of deformity. At first the effect is unconscious; but when
reason arrives, then he who has been thus trained welcomes her as the
friend whom he always knew. As in learning to read, first we acquire the
elements or letters separately, and afterwards their combinations,
and cannot recognize reflections of them until we know the letters
themselves;--in like manner we must first attain the elements or
essential forms of the virtues, and then trace their combinations in
life and experience. There is a music of the soul which answers to the
harmony of the world; and the fairest object of a musical soul is the
fair mind in the fair body. Some defect in the latter may be excused,
but not in the former. True love is the daughter of temperance, and
temperance is utterly opposed to the madness of bodily pleasure. Enough
has been said of music, which makes a fair ending with love.

Next we pass on to gymnastics; about which I would remark, that the
soul is related to the body as a cause to an effect, and therefore if we
educate the mind we may leave the education of the body in her charge,
and need only give a general outline of the course to be pursued. In
the first place the guardians must abstain from strong drink, for they
should be the last persons to lose their wits. Whether the habits of
the palaestra are suitable to them is more doubtful, for the ordinary
gymnastic is a sleepy sort of thing, and if left off suddenly is apt to
endanger health. But our warrior athletes must be wide-awake dogs, and
must also be inured to all changes of food and climate. Hence they will
require a simpler kind of gymnastic, akin to their simple music; and for
their diet a rule may be found in Homer, who feeds his heroes on roast
meat only, and gives them no fish although they are living at the
sea-side, nor boiled meats which involve an apparatus of pots and pans;
and, if I am not mistaken, he nowhere mentions sweet sauces. Sicilian
cookery and Attic confections and Corinthian courtezans, which are
to gymnastic what Lydian and Ionian melodies are to music, must be
forbidden. Where gluttony and intemperance prevail the town quickly
fills with doctors and pleaders; and law and medicine give themselves
airs as soon as the freemen of a State take an interest in them. But
what can show a more disgraceful state of education than to have to go
abroad for justice because you have none of your own at home? And yet
there IS a worse stage of the same disease--when men have learned
to take a pleasure and pride in the twists and turns of the law; not
considering how much better it would be for them so to order their lives
as to have no need of a nodding justice. And there is a like disgrace in
employing a physician, not for the cure of wounds or epidemic disorders,
but because a man has by laziness and luxury contracted diseases
which were unknown in the days of Asclepius. How simple is the Homeric
practice of medicine. Eurypylus after he has been wounded drinks a
posset of Pramnian wine, which is of a heating nature; and yet the
sons of Asclepius blame neither the damsel who gives him the drink, nor
Patroclus who is attending on him. The truth is that this modern system
of nursing diseases was introduced by Herodicus the trainer; who,
being of a sickly constitution, by a compound of training and medicine
tortured first himself and then a good many other people, and lived
a great deal longer than he had any right. But Asclepius would not
practise this art, because he knew that the citizens of a well-ordered
State have no leisure to be ill, and therefore he adopted the 'kill
or cure' method, which artisans and labourers employ. 'They must be
at their business,' they say, 'and have no time for coddling: if they
recover, well; if they don't, there is an end of them.' Whereas the rich
man is supposed to be a gentleman who can afford to be ill. Do you know
a maxim of Phocylides--that 'when a man begins to be rich' (or, perhaps,
a little sooner) 'he should practise virtue'? But how can excessive
care of health be inconsistent with an ordinary occupation, and yet
consistent with that practice of virtue which Phocylides inculcates?
When a student imagines that philosophy gives him a headache, he never
does anything; he is always unwell. This was the reason why Asclepius
and his sons practised no such art. They were acting in the interest of
the public, and did not wish to preserve useless lives, or raise up a
puny offspring to wretched sires. Honest diseases they honestly cured;
and if a man was wounded, they applied the proper remedies, and then let
him eat and drink what he liked. But they declined to treat intemperate
and worthless subjects, even though they might have made large fortunes
out of them. As to the story of Pindar, that Asclepius was slain by a
thunderbolt for restoring a rich man to life, that is a lie--following
our old rule we must say either that he did not take bribes, or that he
was not the son of a god.

Glaucon then asks Socrates whether the best physicians and the best
judges will not be those who have had severally the greatest experience
of diseases and of crimes. Socrates draws a distinction between the two
professions. The physician should have had experience of disease in
his own body, for he cures with his mind and not with his body. But
the judge controls mind by mind; and therefore his mind should not be
corrupted by crime. Where then is he to gain experience? How is he to be
wise and also innocent? When young a good man is apt to be deceived by
evil-doers, because he has no pattern of evil in himself; and therefore
the judge should be of a certain age; his youth should have been
innocent, and he should have acquired insight into evil not by the
practice of it, but by the observation of it in others. This is
the ideal of a judge; the criminal turned detective is wonderfully
suspicious, but when in company with good men who have experience, he is
at fault, for he foolishly imagines that every one is as bad as himself.
Vice may be known of virtue, but cannot know virtue. This is the sort of
medicine and this the sort of law which will prevail in our State; they
will be healing arts to better natures; but the evil body will be left
to die by the one, and the evil soul will be put to death by the other.
And the need of either will be greatly diminished by good music which
will give harmony to the soul, and good gymnastic which will give
health to the body. Not that this division of music and gymnastic really
corresponds to soul and body; for they are both equally concerned with
the soul, which is tamed by the one and aroused and sustained by the
other. The two together supply our guardians with their twofold nature.
The passionate disposition when it has too much gymnastic is hardened
and brutalized, the gentle or philosophic temper which has too much
music becomes enervated. While a man is allowing music to pour like
water through the funnel of his ears, the edge of his soul gradually
wears away, and the passionate or spirited element is melted out of
him. Too little spirit is easily exhausted; too much quickly passes into
nervous irritability. So, again, the athlete by feeding and training has
his courage doubled, but he soon grows stupid; he is like a wild beast,
ready to do everything by blows and nothing by counsel or policy. There
are two principles in man, reason and passion, and to these, not to the
soul and body, the two arts of music and gymnastic correspond. He who
mingles them in harmonious concord is the true musician,--he shall be
the presiding genius of our State.

The next question is, Who are to be our rulers? First, the elder must
rule the younger; and the best of the elders will be the best guardians.
Now they will be the best who love their subjects most, and think that
they have a common interest with them in the welfare of the state. These
we must select; but they must be watched at every epoch of life to see
whether they have retained the same opinions and held out against force
and enchantment. For time and persuasion and the love of pleasure may
enchant a man into a change of purpose, and the force of grief and pain
may compel him. And therefore our guardians must be men who have been
tried by many tests, like gold in the refiner's fire, and have been
passed first through danger, then through pleasure, and at every age
have come out of such trials victorious and without stain, in full
command of themselves and their principles; having all their faculties
in harmonious exercise for their country's good. These shall receive the
highest honours both in life and death. (It would perhaps be better to
confine the term 'guardians' to this select class: the younger men may
be called 'auxiliaries.')

And now for one magnificent lie, in the belief of which, Oh that we
could train our rulers!--at any rate let us make the attempt with the
rest of the world. What I am going to tell is only another version of
the legend of Cadmus; but our unbelieving generation will be slow to
accept such a story. The tale must be imparted, first to the rulers,
then to the soldiers, lastly to the people. We will inform them that
their youth was a dream, and that during the time when they seemed to
be undergoing their education they were really being fashioned in the
earth, who sent them up when they were ready; and that they must protect
and cherish her whose children they are, and regard each other as
brothers and sisters. 'I do not wonder at your being ashamed to propound
such a fiction.' There is more behind. These brothers and sisters
have different natures, and some of them God framed to rule, whom he
fashioned of gold; others he made of silver, to be auxiliaries; others
again to be husbandmen and craftsmen, and these were formed by him of
brass and iron. But as they are all sprung from a common stock, a golden
parent may have a silver son, or a silver parent a golden son, and then
there must be a change of rank; the son of the rich must descend, and
the child of the artisan rise, in the social scale; for an oracle says
'that the State will come to an end if governed by a man of brass or
iron.' Will our citizens ever believe all this? 'Not in the present
generation, but in the next, perhaps, Yes.'

Now let the earthborn men go forth under the command of their rulers,
and look about and pitch their camp in a high place, which will be safe
against enemies from without, and likewise against insurrections from
within. There let them sacrifice and set up their tents; for soldiers
they are to be and not shopkeepers, the watchdogs and guardians of the
sheep; and luxury and avarice will turn them into wolves and tyrants.
Their habits and their dwellings should correspond to their education.
They should have no property; their pay should only meet their expenses;
and they should have common meals. Gold and silver we will tell them
that they have from God, and this divine gift in their souls they must
not alloy with that earthly dross which passes under the name of gold.
They only of the citizens may not touch it, or be under the same roof
with it, or drink from it; it is the accursed thing. Should they
ever acquire houses or lands or money of their own, they will become
householders and tradesmen instead of guardians, enemies and tyrants
instead of helpers, and the hour of ruin, both to themselves and the
rest of the State, will be at hand.

The religious and ethical aspect of Plato's education will hereafter
be considered under a separate head. Some lesser points may be more
conveniently noticed in this place.

1. The constant appeal to the authority of Homer, whom, with grave
irony, Plato, after the manner of his age, summons as a witness about
ethics and psychology, as well as about diet and medicine; attempting
to distinguish the better lesson from the worse, sometimes altering
the text from design; more than once quoting or alluding to Homer
inaccurately, after the manner of the early logographers turning the
Iliad into prose, and delighting to draw far-fetched inferences from
his words, or to make ludicrous applications of them. He does not, like
Heracleitus, get into a rage with Homer and Archilochus (Heracl.), but
uses their words and expressions as vehicles of a higher truth; not on
a system like Theagenes of Rhegium or Metrodorus, or in later times the
Stoics, but as fancy may dictate. And the conclusions drawn from them
are sound, although the premises are fictitious. These fanciful appeals
to Homer add a charm to Plato's style, and at the same time they have
the effect of a satire on the follies of Homeric interpretation. To us
(and probably to himself), although they take the form of arguments,
they are really figures of speech. They may be compared with modern
citations from Scripture, which have often a great rhetorical power even
when the original meaning of the words is entirely lost sight of. The
real, like the Platonic Socrates, as we gather from the Memorabilia of
Xenophon, was fond of making similar adaptations. Great in all ages and
countries, in religion as well as in law and literature, has been the
art of interpretation.

2. 'The style is to conform to the subject and the metre to the style.'
Notwithstanding the fascination which the word 'classical' exercises
over us, we can hardly maintain that this rule is observed in all the
Greek poetry which has come down to us. We cannot deny that the thought
often exceeds the power of lucid expression in Aeschylus and Pindar;
or that rhetoric gets the better of the thought in the Sophist-poet
Euripides. Only perhaps in Sophocles is there a perfect harmony of the
two; in him alone do we find a grace of language like the beauty of a
Greek statue, in which there is nothing to add or to take away; at
least this is true of single plays or of large portions of them. The
connection in the Tragic Choruses and in the Greek lyric poets is not
unfrequently a tangled thread which in an age before logic the poet was
unable to draw out. Many thoughts and feelings mingled in his mind, and
he had no power of disengaging or arranging them. For there is a subtle
influence of logic which requires to be transferred from prose to
poetry, just as the music and perfection of language are infused by
poetry into prose. In all ages the poet has been a bad judge of his
own meaning (Apol.); for he does not see that the word which is full
of associations to his own mind is difficult and unmeaning to that of
another; or that the sequence which is clear to himself is puzzling to
others. There are many passages in some of our greatest modern poets
which are far too obscure; in which there is no proportion between style
and subject, in which any half-expressed figure, any harsh construction,
any distorted collocation of words, any remote sequence of ideas is
admitted; and there is no voice 'coming sweetly from nature,' or music
adding the expression of feeling to thought. As if there could be poetry
without beauty, or beauty without ease and clearness. The obscurities
of early Greek poets arose necessarily out of the state of language and
logic which existed in their age. They are not examples to be followed
by us; for the use of language ought in every generation to become
clearer and clearer. Like Shakespere, they were great in spite, not
in consequence, of their imperfections of expression. But there is no
reason for returning to the necessary obscurity which prevailed in
the infancy of literature. The English poets of the last century were
certainly not obscure; and we have no excuse for losing what they had
gained, or for going back to the earlier or transitional age which
preceded them. The thought of our own times has not out-stripped
language; a want of Plato's 'art of measuring' is the rule cause of the
disproportion between them.

3. In the third book of the Republic a nearer approach is made to a
theory of art than anywhere else in Plato. His views may be summed up
as follows:--True art is not fanciful and imitative, but simple and
ideal,--the expression of the highest moral energy, whether in action or
repose. To live among works of plastic art which are of this noble
and simple character, or to listen to such strains, is the best of
influences,--the true Greek atmosphere, in which youth should be brought
up. That is the way to create in them a natural good taste, which will
have a feeling of truth and beauty in all things. For though the
poets are to be expelled, still art is recognized as another aspect of
reason--like love in the Symposium, extending over the same sphere, but
confined to the preliminary education, and acting through the power of
habit; and this conception of art is not limited to strains of music or
the forms of plastic art, but pervades all nature and has a wide kindred
in the world. The Republic of Plato, like the Athens of Pericles, has an
artistic as well as a political side.

There is hardly any mention in Plato of the creative arts; only in two
or three passages does he even allude to them (Rep.; Soph.). He is
not lost in rapture at the great works of Phidias, the Parthenon, the
Propylea, the statues of Zeus or Athene. He would probably have regarded
any abstract truth of number or figure as higher than the greatest of
them. Yet it is hard to suppose that some influence, such as he hopes to
inspire in youth, did not pass into his own mind from the works of art
which he saw around him. We are living upon the fragments of them, and
find in a few broken stones the standard of truth and beauty. But in
Plato this feeling has no expression; he nowhere says that beauty is the
object of art; he seems to deny that wisdom can take an external form
(Phaedrus); he does not distinguish the fine from the mechanical arts.
Whether or no, like some writers, he felt more than he expressed, it
is at any rate remarkable that the greatest perfection of the fine arts
should coincide with an almost entire silence about them. In one very
striking passage he tells us that a work of art, like the State, is a
whole; and this conception of a whole and the love of the newly-born
mathematical sciences may be regarded, if not as the inspiring, at any
rate as the regulating principles of Greek art (Xen. Mem.; and Sophist).

4. Plato makes the true and subtle remark that the physician had better
not be in robust health; and should have known what illness is in his
own person. But the judge ought to have had no similar experience of
evil; he is to be a good man who, having passed his youth in innocence,
became acquainted late in life with the vices of others. And therefore,
according to Plato, a judge should not be young, just as a young man
according to Aristotle is not fit to be a hearer of moral philosophy.
The bad, on the other hand, have a knowledge of vice, but no knowledge
of virtue. It may be doubted, however, whether this train of reflection
is well founded. In a remarkable passage of the Laws it is acknowledged
that the evil may form a correct estimate of the good. The union of
gentleness and courage in Book ii. at first seemed to be a paradox,
yet was afterwards ascertained to be a truth. And Plato might also have
found that the intuition of evil may be consistent with the abhorrence
of it. There is a directness of aim in virtue which gives an insight
into vice. And the knowledge of character is in some degree a natural
sense independent of any special experience of good or evil.

5. One of the most remarkable conceptions of Plato, because un-Greek and
also very different from anything which existed at all in his age of
the world, is the transposition of ranks. In the Spartan state there had
been enfranchisement of Helots and degradation of citizens under
special circumstances. And in the ancient Greek aristocracies, merit
was certainly recognized as one of the elements on which government was
based. The founders of states were supposed to be their benefactors, who
were raised by their great actions above the ordinary level of humanity;
at a later period, the services of warriors and legislators were held to
entitle them and their descendants to the privileges of citizenship and
to the first rank in the state. And although the existence of an ideal
aristocracy is slenderly proven from the remains of early Greek history,
and we have a difficulty in ascribing such a character, however the idea
may be defined, to any actual Hellenic state--or indeed to any state
which has ever existed in the world--still the rule of the best was
certainly the aspiration of philosophers, who probably accommodated a
good deal their views of primitive history to their own notions of good
government. Plato further insists on applying to the guardians of his
state a series of tests by which all those who fell short of a fixed
standard were either removed from the governing body, or not admitted
to it; and this 'academic' discipline did to a certain extent prevail in
Greek states, especially in Sparta. He also indicates that the system of
caste, which existed in a great part of the ancient, and is by no means
extinct in the modern European world, should be set aside from time
to time in favour of merit. He is aware how deeply the greater part of
mankind resent any interference with the order of society, and therefore
he proposes his novel idea in the form of what he himself calls a
'monstrous fiction.' (Compare the ceremony of preparation for the two
'great waves' in Book v.) Two principles are indicated by him: first,
that there is a distinction of ranks dependent on circumstances prior to
the individual: second, that this distinction is and ought to be broken
through by personal qualities. He adapts mythology like the Homeric
poems to the wants of the state, making 'the Phoenician tale' the
vehicle of his ideas. Every Greek state had a myth respecting its own
origin; the Platonic republic may also have a tale of earthborn men. The
gravity and verisimilitude with which the tale is told, and the analogy
of Greek tradition, are a sufficient verification of the 'monstrous
falsehood.' Ancient poetry had spoken of a gold and silver and brass and
iron age succeeding one another, but Plato supposes these differences
in the natures of men to exist together in a single state. Mythology
supplies a figure under which the lesson may be taught (as Protagoras
says, 'the myth is more interesting'), and also enables Plato to touch
lightly on new principles without going into details. In this passage he
shadows forth a general truth, but he does not tell us by what steps the
transposition of ranks is to be effected. Indeed throughout the Republic
he allows the lower ranks to fade into the distance. We do not know
whether they are to carry arms, and whether in the fifth book they are
or are not included in the communistic regulations respecting property
and marriage. Nor is there any use in arguing strictly either from a
few chance words, or from the silence of Plato, or in drawing inferences
which were beyond his vision. Aristotle, in his criticism on the
position of the lower classes, does not perceive that the poetical
creation is 'like the air, invulnerable,' and cannot be penetrated by
the shafts of his logic (Pol.).

6. Two paradoxes which strike the modern reader as in the highest degree
fanciful and ideal, and which suggest to him many reflections, are to
be found in the third book of the Republic: first, the great power of
music, so much beyond any influence which is experienced by us in modern
times, when the art or science has been far more developed, and has
found the secret of harmony, as well as of melody; secondly, the
indefinite and almost absolute control which the soul is supposed to
exercise over the body.

In the first we suspect some degree of exaggeration, such as we may
also observe among certain masters of the art, not unknown to us, at the
present day. With this natural enthusiasm, which is felt by a few only,
there seems to mingle in Plato a sort of Pythagorean reverence for
numbers and numerical proportion to which Aristotle is a stranger.
Intervals of sound and number are to him sacred things which have a law
of their own, not dependent on the variations of sense. They rise above
sense, and become a connecting link with the world of ideas. But it is
evident that Plato is describing what to him appears to be also a fact.
The power of a simple and characteristic melody on the impressible
mind of the Greek is more than we can easily appreciate. The effect of
national airs may bear some comparison with it. And, besides all this,
there is a confusion between the harmony of musical notes and the
harmony of soul and body, which is so potently inspired by them.

The second paradox leads up to some curious and interesting
questions--How far can the mind control the body? Is the relation
between them one of mutual antagonism or of mutual harmony? Are they
two or one, and is either of them the cause of the other? May we not at
times drop the opposition between them, and the mode of describing them,
which is so familiar to us, and yet hardly conveys any precise meaning,
and try to view this composite creature, man, in a more simple manner?
Must we not at any rate admit that there is in human nature a higher
and a lower principle, divided by no distinct line, which at times
break asunder and take up arms against one another? Or again, they are
reconciled and move together, either unconsciously in the ordinary work
of life, or consciously in the pursuit of some noble aim, to be attained
not without an effort, and for which every thought and nerve are
strained. And then the body becomes the good friend or ally, or servant
or instrument of the mind. And the mind has often a wonderful and almost
superhuman power of banishing disease and weakness and calling out a
hidden strength. Reason and the desires, the intellect and the senses
are brought into harmony and obedience so as to form a single human
being. They are ever parting, ever meeting; and the identity or
diversity of their tendencies or operations is for the most part
unnoticed by us. When the mind touches the body through the appetites,
we acknowledge the responsibility of the one to the other. There is a
tendency in us which says 'Drink.' There is another which says, 'Do
not drink; it is not good for you.' And we all of us know which is the
rightful superior. We are also responsible for our health, although into
this sphere there enter some elements of necessity which may be beyond
our control. Still even in the management of health, care and thought,
continued over many years, may make us almost free agents, if we do
not exact too much of ourselves, and if we acknowledge that all human
freedom is limited by the laws of nature and of mind.

We are disappointed to find that Plato, in the general condemnation
which he passes on the practice of medicine prevailing in his own day,
depreciates the effects of diet. He would like to have diseases of a
definite character and capable of receiving a definite treatment. He is
afraid of invalidism interfering with the business of life. He does
not recognize that time is the great healer both of mental and bodily
disorders; and that remedies which are gradual and proceed little by
little are safer than those which produce a sudden catastrophe. Neither
does he see that there is no way in which the mind can more surely
influence the body than by the control of eating and drinking; or any
other action or occasion of human life on which the higher freedom of
the will can be more simple or truly asserted.

7. Lesser matters of style may be remarked.

(1) The affected ignorance of music, which is Plato's way of expressing
that he is passing lightly over the subject.

(2) The tentative manner in which here, as in the second book, he
proceeds with the construction of the State.

(3) The description of the State sometimes as a reality, and then again
as a work of imagination only; these are the arts by which he sustains
the reader's interest.

(4) Connecting links, or the preparation for the entire expulsion of the
poets in Book X.

(5) The companion pictures of the lover of litigation and the
valetudinarian, the satirical jest about the maxim of Phocylides, the
manner in which the image of the gold and silver citizens is taken
up into the subject, and the argument from the practice of Asclepius,
should not escape notice.

BOOK IV. Adeimantus said: 'Suppose a person to argue, Socrates, that you
make your citizens miserable, and this by their own free-will; they are
the lords of the city, and yet instead of having, like other men, lands
and houses and money of their own, they live as mercenaries and are
always mounting guard.' You may add, I replied, that they receive no
pay but only their food, and have no money to spend on a journey or a
mistress. 'Well, and what answer do you give?' My answer is, that
our guardians may or may not be the happiest of men,--I should not be
surprised to find in the long-run that they were,--but this is not the
aim of our constitution, which was designed for the good of the whole
and not of any one part. If I went to a sculptor and blamed him for
having painted the eye, which is the noblest feature of the face, not
purple but black, he would reply: 'The eye must be an eye, and you
should look at the statue as a whole.' 'Now I can well imagine a fool's
paradise, in which everybody is eating and drinking, clothed in purple
and fine linen, and potters lie on sofas and have their wheel at hand,
that they may work a little when they please; and cobblers and all the
other classes of a State lose their distinctive character. And a State
may get on without cobblers; but when the guardians degenerate into boon
companions, then the ruin is complete. Remember that we are not talking
of peasants keeping holiday, but of a State in which every man is
expected to do his own work. The happiness resides not in this or that
class, but in the State as a whole. I have another remark to make:--A
middle condition is best for artisans; they should have money enough to
buy tools, and not enough to be independent of business. And will not
the same condition be best for our citizens? If they are poor, they will
be mean; if rich, luxurious and lazy; and in neither case contented.
'But then how will our poor city be able to go to war against an enemy
who has money?' There may be a difficulty in fighting against one enemy;
against two there will be none. In the first place, the contest will be
carried on by trained warriors against well-to-do citizens: and is not a
regular athlete an easy match for two stout opponents at least? Suppose
also, that before engaging we send ambassadors to one of the two cities,
saying, 'Silver and gold we have not; do you help us and take our share
of the spoil;'--who would fight against the lean, wiry dogs, when they
might join with them in preying upon the fatted sheep? 'But if many
states join their resources, shall we not be in danger?' I am amused
to hear you use the word 'state' of any but our own State. They are
'states,' but not 'a state'--many in one. For in every state there are
two hostile nations, rich and poor, which you may set one against the
other. But our State, while she remains true to her principles, will be
in very deed the mightiest of Hellenic states.

To the size of the state there is no limit but the necessity of unity;
it must be neither too large nor too small to be one. This is a matter
of secondary importance, like the principle of transposition which was
intimated in the parable of the earthborn men. The meaning there implied
was that every man should do that for which he was fitted, and be at
one with himself, and then the whole city would be united. But all these
things are secondary, if education, which is the great matter, be duly
regarded. When the wheel has once been set in motion, the speed is
always increasing; and each generation improves upon the preceding, both
in physical and moral qualities. The care of the governors should be
directed to preserve music and gymnastic from innovation; alter the
songs of a country, Damon says, and you will soon end by altering its
laws. The change appears innocent at first, and begins in play; but
the evil soon becomes serious, working secretly upon the characters of
individuals, then upon social and commercial relations, and lastly upon
the institutions of a state; and there is ruin and confusion everywhere.
But if education remains in the established form, there will be no
danger. A restorative process will be always going on; the spirit of law
and order will raise up what has fallen down. Nor will any regulations
be needed for the lesser matters of life--rules of deportment or
fashions of dress. Like invites like for good or for evil. Education
will correct deficiencies and supply the power of self-government. Far
be it from us to enter into the particulars of legislation; let the
guardians take care of education, and education will take care of all
other things.

But without education they may patch and mend as they please; they will
make no progress, any more than a patient who thinks to cure himself by
some favourite remedy and will not give up his luxurious mode of living.
If you tell such persons that they must first alter their habits, then
they grow angry; they are charming people. 'Charming,--nay, the very
reverse.' Evidently these gentlemen are not in your good graces, nor the
state which is like them. And such states there are which first ordain
under penalty of death that no one shall alter the constitution, and
then suffer themselves to be flattered into and out of anything; and
he who indulges them and fawns upon them, is their leader and saviour.
'Yes, the men are as bad as the states.' But do you not admire their
cleverness? 'Nay, some of them are stupid enough to believe what the
people tell them.' And when all the world is telling a man that he is
six feet high, and he has no measure, how can he believe anything
else? But don't get into a passion: to see our statesmen trying their
nostrums, and fancying that they can cut off at a blow the Hydra-like
rogueries of mankind, is as good as a play. Minute enactments are
superfluous in good states, and are useless in bad ones.

And now what remains of the work of legislation? Nothing for us; but to
Apollo the god of Delphi we leave the ordering of the greatest of all
things--that is to say, religion. Only our ancestral deity sitting upon
the centre and navel of the earth will be trusted by us if we have any
sense, in an affair of such magnitude. No foreign god shall be supreme
in our realms...

Here, as Socrates would say, let us 'reflect on' (Greek) what has
preceded: thus far we have spoken not of the happiness of the citizens,
but only of the well-being of the State. They may be the happiest of
men, but our principal aim in founding the State was not to make them
happy. They were to be guardians, not holiday-makers. In this pleasant
manner is presented to us the famous question both of ancient and modern
philosophy, touching the relation of duty to happiness, of right to
utility.

First duty, then happiness, is the natural order of our moral ideas. The
utilitarian principle is valuable as a corrective of error, and shows
to us a side of ethics which is apt to be neglected. It may be admitted
further that right and utility are co-extensive, and that he who makes
the happiness of mankind his object has one of the highest and noblest
motives of human action. But utility is not the historical basis of
morality; nor the aspect in which moral and religious ideas commonly
occur to the mind. The greatest happiness of all is, as we believe, the
far-off result of the divine government of the universe. The greatest
happiness of the individual is certainly to be found in a life of virtue
and goodness. But we seem to be more assured of a law of right than we
can be of a divine purpose, that 'all mankind should be saved;' and
we infer the one from the other. And the greatest happiness of the
individual may be the reverse of the greatest happiness in the ordinary
sense of the term, and may be realised in a life of pain, or in a
voluntary death. Further, the word 'happiness' has several ambiguities;
it may mean either pleasure or an ideal life, happiness subjective or
objective, in this world or in another, of ourselves only or of
our neighbours and of all men everywhere. By the modern founder of
Utilitarianism the self-regarding and disinterested motives of action
are included under the same term, although they are commonly opposed
by us as benevolence and self-love. The word happiness has not the
definiteness or the sacredness of 'truth' and 'right'; it does
not equally appeal to our higher nature, and has not sunk into the
conscience of mankind. It is associated too much with the comforts and
conveniences of life; too little with 'the goods of the soul which we
desire for their own sake.' In a great trial, or danger, or temptation,
or in any great and heroic action, it is scarcely thought of. For these
reasons 'the greatest happiness' principle is not the true foundation of
ethics. But though not the first principle, it is the second, which is
like unto it, and is often of easier application. For the larger part of
human actions are neither right nor wrong, except in so far as they tend
to the happiness of mankind (Introd. to Gorgias and Philebus).

The same question reappears in politics, where the useful or expedient
seems to claim a larger sphere and to have a greater authority. For
concerning political measures, we chiefly ask: How will they affect
the happiness of mankind? Yet here too we may observe that what we term
expediency is merely the law of right limited by the conditions of human
society. Right and truth are the highest aims of government as well as
of individuals; and we ought not to lose sight of them because we cannot
directly enforce them. They appeal to the better mind of nations; and
sometimes they are too much for merely temporal interests to resist.
They are the watchwords which all men use in matters of public policy,
as well as in their private dealings; the peace of Europe may be said
to depend upon them. In the most commercial and utilitarian states
of society the power of ideas remains. And all the higher class of
statesmen have in them something of that idealism which Pericles is said
to have gathered from the teaching of Anaxagoras. They recognise that
the true leader of men must be above the motives of ambition, and
that national character is of greater value than material comfort and
prosperity. And this is the order of thought in Plato; first, he expects
his citizens to do their duty, and then under favourable circumstances,
that is to say, in a well-ordered State, their happiness is assured.
That he was far from excluding the modern principle of utility in
politics is sufficiently evident from other passages; in which 'the most
beneficial is affirmed to be the most honourable', and also 'the most
sacred'.

We may note

(1) The manner in which the objection of Adeimantus here, is designed to
draw out and deepen the argument of Socrates.

(2) The conception of a whole as lying at the foundation both of
politics and of art, in the latter supplying the only principle of
criticism, which, under the various names of harmony, symmetry, measure,
proportion, unity, the Greek seems to have applied to works of art.

(3) The requirement that the State should be limited in size, after the
traditional model of a Greek state; as in the Politics of Aristotle, the
fact that the cities of Hellas were small is converted into a principle.

(4) The humorous pictures of the lean dogs and the fatted sheep, of
the light active boxer upsetting two stout gentlemen at least, of the
'charming' patients who are always making themselves worse; or again,
the playful assumption that there is no State but our own; or the grave
irony with which the statesman is excused who believes that he is six
feet high because he is told so, and having nothing to measure with
is to be pardoned for his ignorance--he is too amusing for us to be
seriously angry with him.

(5) The light and superficial manner in which religion is passed over
when provision has been made for two great principles,--first, that
religion shall be based on the highest conception of the gods, secondly,
that the true national or Hellenic type shall be maintained...

Socrates proceeds: But where amid all this is justice? Son of Ariston,
tell me where. Light a candle and search the city, and get your brother
and the rest of our friends to help in seeking for her. 'That won't do,'
replied Glaucon, 'you yourself promised to make the search and talked
about the impiety of deserting justice.' Well, I said, I will lead the
way, but do you follow. My notion is, that our State being perfect will
contain all the four virtues--wisdom, courage, temperance, justice. If
we eliminate the three first, the unknown remainder will be justice.

First then, of wisdom: the State which we have called into being will be
wise because politic. And policy is one among many kinds of skill,--not
the skill of the carpenter, or of the worker in metal, or of the
husbandman, but the skill of him who advises about the interests of the
whole State. Of such a kind is the skill of the guardians, who are a
small class in number, far smaller than the blacksmiths; but in them
is concentrated the wisdom of the State. And if this small ruling class
have wisdom, then the whole State will be wise.

Our second virtue is courage, which we have no difficulty in finding
in another class--that of soldiers. Courage may be defined as a sort
of salvation--the never-failing salvation of the opinions which law and
education have prescribed concerning dangers. You know the way in which
dyers first prepare the white ground and then lay on the dye of purple
or of any other colour. Colours dyed in this way become fixed, and no
soap or lye will ever wash them out. Now the ground is education, and
the laws are the colours; and if the ground is properly laid, neither
the soap of pleasure nor the lye of pain or fear will ever wash them
out. This power which preserves right opinion about danger I would ask
you to call 'courage,' adding the epithet 'political' or 'civilized'
in order to distinguish it from mere animal courage and from a higher
courage which may hereafter be discussed.

Two virtues remain; temperance and justice. More than the preceding
virtues temperance suggests the idea of harmony. Some light is thrown
upon the nature of this virtue by the popular description of a man as
'master of himself'--which has an absurd sound, because the master is
also the servant. The expression really means that the better principle
in a man masters the worse. There are in cities whole classes--women,
slaves and the like--who correspond to the worse, and a few only to the
better; and in our State the former class are held under control by the
latter. Now to which of these classes does temperance belong? 'To both
of them.' And our State if any will be the abode of temperance; and
we were right in describing this virtue as a harmony which is diffused
through the whole, making the dwellers in the city to be of one mind,
and attuning the upper and middle and lower classes like the strings of
an instrument, whether you suppose them to differ in wisdom, strength or
wealth.

And now we are near the spot; let us draw in and surround the cover and
watch with all our eyes, lest justice should slip away and escape. Tell
me, if you see the thicket move first. 'Nay, I would have you lead.'
Well then, offer up a prayer and follow. The way is dark and difficult;
but we must push on. I begin to see a track. 'Good news.' Why, Glaucon,
our dulness of scent is quite ludicrous! While we are straining our eyes
into the distance, justice is tumbling out at our feet. We are as bad
as people looking for a thing which they have in their hands. Have you
forgotten our old principle of the division of labour, or of every man
doing his own business, concerning which we spoke at the foundation
of the State--what but this was justice? Is there any other virtue
remaining which can compete with wisdom and temperance and courage in
the scale of political virtue? For 'every one having his own' is the
great object of government; and the great object of trade is that
every man should do his own business. Not that there is much harm in a
carpenter trying to be a cobbler, or a cobbler transforming himself into
a carpenter; but great evil may arise from the cobbler leaving his last
and turning into a guardian or legislator, or when a single individual
is trainer, warrior, legislator, all in one. And this evil is injustice,
or every man doing another's business. I do not say that as yet we are
in a condition to arrive at a final conclusion. For the definition
which we believe to hold good in states has still to be tested by the
individual. Having read the large letters we will now come back to the
small. From the two together a brilliant light may be struck out...

Socrates proceeds to discover the nature of justice by a method of
residues. Each of the first three virtues corresponds to one of the
three parts of the soul and one of the three classes in the State,
although the third, temperance, has more of the nature of a harmony than
the first two. If there be a fourth virtue, that can only be sought for
in the relation of the three parts in the soul or classes in the State
to one another. It is obvious and simple, and for that very reason has
not been found out. The modern logician will be inclined to object that
ideas cannot be separated like chemical substances, but that they run
into one another and may be only different aspects or names of the
same thing, and such in this instance appears to be the case. For the
definition here given of justice is verbally the same as one of the
definitions of temperance given by Socrates in the Charmides, which
however is only provisional, and is afterwards rejected. And so far
from justice remaining over when the other virtues are eliminated,
the justice and temperance of the Republic can with difficulty be
distinguished. Temperance appears to be the virtue of a part only, and
one of three, whereas justice is a universal virtue of the whole soul.
Yet on the other hand temperance is also described as a sort of harmony,
and in this respect is akin to justice. Justice seems to differ from
temperance in degree rather than in kind; whereas temperance is the
harmony of discordant elements, justice is the perfect order by which
all natures and classes do their own business, the right man in the
right place, the division and co-operation of all the citizens. Justice,
again, is a more abstract notion than the other virtues, and therefore,
from Plato's point of view, the foundation of them, to which they
are referred and which in idea precedes them. The proposal to omit
temperance is a mere trick of style intended to avoid monotony.

There is a famous question discussed in one of the earlier Dialogues of
Plato (Protagoras; Arist. Nic. Ethics), 'Whether the virtues are one
or many?' This receives an answer which is to the effect that there
are four cardinal virtues (now for the first time brought together in
ethical philosophy), and one supreme over the rest, which is not like
Aristotle's conception of universal justice, virtue relative to others,
but the whole of virtue relative to the parts. To this universal
conception of justice or order in the first education and in the moral
nature of man, the still more universal conception of the good in the
second education and in the sphere of speculative knowledge seems to
succeed. Both might be equally described by the terms 'law,' 'order,'
'harmony;' but while the idea of good embraces 'all time and all
existence,' the conception of justice is not extended beyond man.

...Socrates is now going to identify the individual and the State. But
first he must prove that there are three parts of the individual soul.
His argument is as follows:--Quantity makes no difference in quality.
The word 'just,' whether applied to the individual or to the State, has
the same meaning. And the term 'justice' implied that the same three
principles in the State and in the individual were doing their own
business. But are they really three or one? The question is difficult,
and one which can hardly be solved by the methods which we are now
using; but the truer and longer way would take up too much of our time.
'The shorter will satisfy me.' Well then, you would admit that the
qualities of states mean the qualities of the individuals who compose
them? The Scythians and Thracians are passionate, our own race
intellectual, and the Egyptians and Phoenicians covetous, because
the individual members of each have such and such a character; the
difficulty is to determine whether the several principles are one or
three; whether, that is to say, we reason with one part of our nature,
desire with another, are angry with another, or whether the whole soul
comes into play in each sort of action. This enquiry, however, requires
a very exact definition of terms. The same thing in the same relation
cannot be affected in two opposite ways. But there is no impossibility
in a man standing still, yet moving his arms, or in a top which is fixed
on one spot going round upon its axis. There is no necessity to mention
all the possible exceptions; let us provisionally assume that opposites
cannot do or be or suffer opposites in the same relation. And to the
class of opposites belong assent and dissent, desire and avoidance.
And one form of desire is thirst and hunger: and here arises a new
point--thirst is thirst of drink, hunger is hunger of food; not of warm
drink or of a particular kind of food, with the single exception of
course that the very fact of our desiring anything implies that it is
good. When relative terms have no attributes, their correlatives have
no attributes; when they have attributes, their correlatives also have
them. For example, the term 'greater' is simply relative to 'less,' and
knowledge refers to a subject of knowledge. But on the other hand, a
particular knowledge is of a particular subject. Again, every science
has a distinct character, which is defined by an object; medicine, for
example, is the science of health, although not to be confounded with
health. Having cleared our ideas thus far, let us return to the original
instance of thirst, which has a definite object--drink. Now the thirsty
soul may feel two distinct impulses; the animal one saying 'Drink;'
the rational one, which says 'Do not drink.' The two impulses are
contradictory; and therefore we may assume that they spring from
distinct principles in the soul. But is passion a third principle, or
akin to desire? There is a story of a certain Leontius which throws some
light on this question. He was coming up from the Piraeus outside the
north wall, and he passed a spot where there were dead bodies lying
by the executioner. He felt a longing desire to see them and also an
abhorrence of them; at first he turned away and shut his eyes, then,
suddenly tearing them open, he said,--'Take your fill, ye wretches, of
the fair sight.' Now is there not here a third principle which is often
found to come to the assistance of reason against desire, but never
of desire against reason? This is passion or spirit, of the separate
existence of which we may further convince ourselves by putting the
following case:--When a man suffers justly, if he be of a generous
nature he is not indignant at the hardships which he undergoes: but when
he suffers unjustly, his indignation is his great support; hunger and
thirst cannot tame him; the spirit within him must do or die, until the
voice of the shepherd, that is, of reason, bidding his dog bark no
more, is heard within. This shows that passion is the ally of reason. Is
passion then the same with reason? No, for the former exists in children
and brutes; and Homer affords a proof of the distinction between them
when he says, 'He smote his breast, and thus rebuked his soul.'

And now, at last, we have reached firm ground, and are able to infer
that the virtues of the State and of the individual are the same. For
wisdom and courage and justice in the State are severally the wisdom and
courage and justice in the individuals who form the State. Each of the
three classes will do the work of its own class in the State, and each
part in the individual soul; reason, the superior, and passion, the
inferior, will be harmonized by the influence of music and gymnastic.
The counsellor and the warrior, the head and the arm, will act together
in the town of Mansoul, and keep the desires in proper subjection. The
courage of the warrior is that quality which preserves a right opinion
about dangers in spite of pleasures and pains. The wisdom of the
counsellor is that small part of the soul which has authority and
reason. The virtue of temperance is the friendship of the ruling and the
subject principles, both in the State and in the individual. Of justice
we have already spoken; and the notion already given of it may
be confirmed by common instances. Will the just state or the just
individual steal, lie, commit adultery, or be guilty of impiety to
gods and men? 'No.' And is not the reason of this that the several
principles, whether in the state or in the individual, do their own
business? And justice is the quality which makes just men and just
states. Moreover, our old division of labour, which required that there
should be one man for one use, was a dream or anticipation of what was
to follow; and that dream has now been realized in justice, which
begins by binding together the three chords of the soul, and then acts
harmoniously in every relation of life. And injustice, which is the
insubordination and disobedience of the inferior elements in the soul,
is the opposite of justice, and is inharmonious and unnatural, being to
the soul what disease is to the body; for in the soul as well as in the
body, good or bad actions produce good or bad habits. And virtue is the
health and beauty and well-being of the soul, and vice is the disease
and weakness and deformity of the soul.

Again the old question returns upon us: Is justice or injustice the
more profitable? The question has become ridiculous. For injustice, like
mortal disease, makes life not worth having. Come up with me to the hill
which overhangs the city and look down upon the single form of virtue,
and the infinite forms of vice, among which are four special ones,
characteristic both of states and of individuals. And the state which
corresponds to the single form of virtue is that which we have been
describing, wherein reason rules under one of two names--monarchy and
aristocracy. Thus there are five forms in all, both of states and of
souls...

In attempting to prove that the soul has three separate faculties, Plato
takes occasion to discuss what makes difference of faculties. And
the criterion which he proposes is difference in the working of the
faculties. The same faculty cannot produce contradictory effects. But
the path of early reasoners is beset by thorny entanglements, and he
will not proceed a step without first clearing the ground. This leads
him into a tiresome digression, which is intended to explain the nature
of contradiction. First, the contradiction must be at the same time and
in the same relation. Secondly, no extraneous word must be introduced
into either of the terms in which the contradictory proposition is
expressed: for example, thirst is of drink, not of warm drink. He
implies, what he does not say, that if, by the advice of reason, or by
the impulse of anger, a man is restrained from drinking, this proves
that thirst, or desire under which thirst is included, is distinct
from anger and reason. But suppose that we allow the term 'thirst' or
'desire' to be modified, and say an 'angry thirst,' or a 'revengeful
desire,' then the two spheres of desire and anger overlap and become
confused. This case therefore has to be excluded. And still there
remains an exception to the rule in the use of the term 'good,' which is
always implied in the object of desire. These are the discussions of
an age before logic; and any one who is wearied by them should remember
that they are necessary to the clearing up of ideas in the first
development of the human faculties.

The psychology of Plato extends no further than the division of the soul
into the rational, irascible, and concupiscent elements, which, as far
as we know, was first made by him, and has been retained by Aristotle
and succeeding ethical writers. The chief difficulty in this early
analysis of the mind is to define exactly the place of the irascible
faculty (Greek), which may be variously described under the terms
righteous indignation, spirit, passion. It is the foundation of courage,
which includes in Plato moral courage, the courage of enduring pain, and
of surmounting intellectual difficulties, as well as of meeting dangers
in war. Though irrational, it inclines to side with the rational: it
cannot be aroused by punishment when justly inflicted: it sometimes
takes the form of an enthusiasm which sustains a man in the performance
of great actions. It is the 'lion heart' with which the reason makes
a treaty. On the other hand it is negative rather than positive; it
is indignant at wrong or falsehood, but does not, like Love in the
Symposium and Phaedrus, aspire to the vision of Truth or Good. It is the
peremptory military spirit which prevails in the government of honour.
It differs from anger (Greek), this latter term having no accessory
notion of righteous indignation. Although Aristotle has retained the
word, yet we may observe that 'passion' (Greek) has with him lost its
affinity to the rational and has become indistinguishable from 'anger'
(Greek). And to this vernacular use Plato himself in the Laws seems to
revert, though not always. By modern philosophy too, as well as in our
ordinary conversation, the words anger or passion are employed almost
exclusively in a bad sense; there is no connotation of a just or
reasonable cause by which they are aroused. The feeling of 'righteous
indignation' is too partial and accidental to admit of our regarding
it as a separate virtue or habit. We are tempted also to doubt whether
Plato is right in supposing that an offender, however justly condemned,
could be expected to acknowledge the justice of his sentence; this is
the spirit of a philosopher or martyr rather than of a criminal.

We may observe how nearly Plato approaches Aristotle's famous thesis,
that 'good actions produce good habits.' The words 'as healthy practices
(Greek) produce health, so do just practices produce justice,' have
a sound very like the Nicomachean Ethics. But we note also that an
incidental remark in Plato has become a far-reaching principle in
Aristotle, and an inseparable part of a great Ethical system.

There is a difficulty in understanding what Plato meant by 'the longer
way': he seems to intimate some metaphysic of the future which will not
be satisfied with arguing from the principle of contradiction. In the
sixth and seventh books (compare Sophist and Parmenides) he has given
us a sketch of such a metaphysic; but when Glaucon asks for the final
revelation of the idea of good, he is put off with the declaration
that he has not yet studied the preliminary sciences. How he would have
filled up the sketch, or argued about such questions from a higher point
of view, we can only conjecture. Perhaps he hoped to find some a priori
method of developing the parts out of the whole; or he might have asked
which of the ideas contains the other ideas, and possibly have stumbled
on the Hegelian identity of the 'ego' and the 'universal.' Or he may
have imagined that ideas might be constructed in some manner analogous
to the construction of figures and numbers in the mathematical sciences.
The most certain and necessary truth was to Plato the universal; and to
this he was always seeking to refer all knowledge or opinion, just as in
modern times we seek to rest them on the opposite pole of induction and
experience. The aspirations of metaphysicians have always tended to
pass beyond the limits of human thought and language: they seem to have
reached a height at which they are 'moving about in worlds unrealized,'
and their conceptions, although profoundly affecting their own minds,
become invisible or unintelligible to others. We are not therefore
surprized to find that Plato himself has nowhere clearly explained his
doctrine of ideas; or that his school in a later generation, like his
contemporaries Glaucon and Adeimantus, were unable to follow him in
this region of speculation. In the Sophist, where he is refuting the
scepticism which maintained either that there was no such thing as
predication, or that all might be predicated of all, he arrives at the
conclusion that some ideas combine with some, but not all with all. But
he makes only one or two steps forward on this path; he nowhere attains
to any connected system of ideas, or even to a knowledge of the most
elementary relations of the sciences to one another.

BOOK V. I was going to enumerate the four forms of vice or decline in
states, when Polemarchus--he was sitting a little farther from me
than Adeimantus--taking him by the coat and leaning towards him, said
something in an undertone, of which I only caught the words, 'Shall we
let him off?' 'Certainly not,' said Adeimantus, raising his voice. Whom,
I said, are you not going to let off? 'You,' he said. Why? 'Because
we think that you are not dealing fairly with us in omitting women and
children, of whom you have slily disposed under the general formula
that friends have all things in common.' And was I not right? 'Yes,'
he replied, 'but there are many sorts of communism or community, and
we want to know which of them is right. The company, as you have just
heard, are resolved to have a further explanation.' Thrasymachus said,
'Do you think that we have come hither to dig for gold, or to hear you
discourse?' Yes, I said; but the discourse should be of a reasonable
length. Glaucon added, 'Yes, Socrates, and there is reason in spending
the whole of life in such discussions; but pray, without more ado, tell
us how this community is to be carried out, and how the interval between
birth and education is to be filled up.' Well, I said, the subject has
several difficulties--What is possible? is the first question. What is
desirable? is the second. 'Fear not,' he replied, 'for you are speaking
among friends.' That, I replied, is a sorry consolation; I shall
destroy my friends as well as myself. Not that I mind a little innocent
laughter; but he who kills the truth is a murderer. 'Then,' said
Glaucon, laughing, 'in case you should murder us we will acquit you
beforehand, and you shall be held free from the guilt of deceiving us.'

Socrates proceeds:--The guardians of our state are to be watch-dogs, as
we have already said. Now dogs are not divided into hes and shes--we do
not take the masculine gender out to hunt and leave the females at home
to look after their puppies. They have the same employments--the only
difference between them is that the one sex is stronger and the other
weaker. But if women are to have the same employments as men, they must
have the same education--they must be taught music and gymnastics, and
the art of war. I know that a great joke will be made of their riding
on horseback and carrying weapons; the sight of the naked old wrinkled
women showing their agility in the palaestra will certainly not be a
vision of beauty, and may be expected to become a famous jest. But we
must not mind the wits; there was a time when they might have laughed at
our present gymnastics. All is habit: people have at last found out that
the exposure is better than the concealment of the person, and now they
laugh no more. Evil only should be the subject of ridicule.

The first question is, whether women are able either wholly or partially
to share in the employments of men. And here we may be charged with
inconsistency in making the proposal at all. For we started originally
with the division of labour; and the diversity of employments was based
on the difference of natures. But is there no difference between men
and women? Nay, are they not wholly different? THERE was the difficulty,
Glaucon, which made me unwilling to speak of family relations. However,
when a man is out of his depth, whether in a pool or in an ocean, he can
only swim for his life; and we must try to find a way of escape, if we
can.

The argument is, that different natures have different uses, and the
natures of men and women are said to differ. But this is only a verbal
opposition. We do not consider that the difference may be purely nominal
and accidental; for example, a bald man and a hairy man are opposed in a
single point of view, but you cannot infer that because a bald man is
a cobbler a hairy man ought not to be a cobbler. Now why is such an
inference erroneous? Simply because the opposition between them is
partial only, like the difference between a male physician and a female
physician, not running through the whole nature, like the difference
between a physician and a carpenter. And if the difference of the sexes
is only that the one beget and the other bear children, this does not
prove that they ought to have distinct educations. Admitting that women
differ from men in capacity, do not men equally differ from one another?
Has not nature scattered all the qualities which our citizens require
indifferently up and down among the two sexes? and even in their
peculiar pursuits, are not women often, though in some cases superior to
men, ridiculously enough surpassed by them? Women are the same in kind
as men, and have the same aptitude or want of aptitude for medicine
or gymnastic or war, but in a less degree. One woman will be a good
guardian, another not; and the good must be chosen to be the colleagues
of our guardians. If however their natures are the same, the inference
is that their education must also be the same; there is no longer
anything unnatural or impossible in a woman learning music and
gymnastic. And the education which we give them will be the very best,
far superior to that of cobblers, and will train up the very best women,
and nothing can be more advantageous to the State than this. Therefore
let them strip, clothed in their chastity, and share in the toils of war
and in the defence of their country; he who laughs at them is a fool for
his pains.

The first wave is past, and the argument is compelled to admit that men
and women have common duties and pursuits. A second and greater wave is
rolling in--community of wives and children; is this either expedient
or possible? The expediency I do not doubt; I am not so sure of the
possibility. 'Nay, I think that a considerable doubt will be entertained
on both points.' I meant to have escaped the trouble of proving the
first, but as you have detected the little stratagem I must even submit.
Only allow me to feed my fancy like the solitary in his walks, with a
dream of what might be, and then I will return to the question of what
can be.

In the first place our rulers will enforce the laws and make new ones
where they are wanted, and their allies or ministers will obey. You, as
legislator, have already selected the men; and now you shall select
the women. After the selection has been made, they will dwell in common
houses and have their meals in common, and will be brought together by
a necessity more certain than that of mathematics. But they cannot be
allowed to live in licentiousness; that is an unholy thing, which
the rulers are determined to prevent. For the avoidance of this, holy
marriage festivals will be instituted, and their holiness will be in
proportion to their usefulness. And here, Glaucon, I should like to ask
(as I know that you are a breeder of birds and animals), Do you not take
the greatest care in the mating? 'Certainly.' And there is no reason to
suppose that less care is required in the marriage of human beings. But
then our rulers must be skilful physicians of the State, for they will
often need a strong dose of falsehood in order to bring about desirable
unions between their subjects. The good must be paired with the good,
and the bad with the bad, and the offspring of the one must be reared,
and of the other destroyed; in this way the flock will be preserved in
prime condition. Hymeneal festivals will be celebrated at times fixed
with an eye to population, and the brides and bridegrooms will meet at
them; and by an ingenious system of lots the rulers will contrive that
the brave and the fair come together, and that those of inferior breed
are paired with inferiors--the latter will ascribe to chance what is
really the invention of the rulers. And when children are born, the
offspring of the brave and fair will be carried to an enclosure in a
certain part of the city, and there attended by suitable nurses; the
rest will be hurried away to places unknown. The mothers will be brought
to the fold and will suckle the children; care however must be taken
that none of them recognise their own offspring; and if necessary other
nurses may also be hired. The trouble of watching and getting up
at night will be transferred to attendants. 'Then the wives of our
guardians will have a fine easy time when they are having children.' And
quite right too, I said, that they should.

The parents ought to be in the prime of life, which for a man may be
reckoned at thirty years--from twenty-five, when he has 'passed the
point at which the speed of life is greatest,' to fifty-five; and at
twenty years for a woman--from twenty to forty. Any one above or below
those ages who partakes in the hymeneals shall be guilty of impiety;
also every one who forms a marriage connexion at other times without the
consent of the rulers. This latter regulation applies to those who are
within the specified ages, after which they may range at will, provided
they avoid the prohibited degrees of parents and children, or
of brothers and sisters, which last, however, are not absolutely
prohibited, if a dispensation be procured. 'But how shall we know the
degrees of affinity, when all things are common?' The answer is, that
brothers and sisters are all such as are born seven or nine months after
the espousals, and their parents those who are then espoused, and every
one will have many children and every child many parents.

Socrates proceeds: I have now to prove that this scheme is advantageous
and also consistent with our entire polity. The greatest good of a State
is unity; the greatest evil, discord and distraction. And there will be
unity where there are no private pleasures or pains or interests--where
if one member suffers all the members suffer, if one citizen is touched
all are quickly sensitive; and the least hurt to the little finger of
the State runs through the whole body and vibrates to the soul. For the
true State, like an individual, is injured as a whole when any part is
affected. Every State has subjects and rulers, who in a democracy are
called rulers, and in other States masters: but in our State they are
called saviours and allies; and the subjects who in other States are
termed slaves, are by us termed nurturers and paymasters, and those who
are termed comrades and colleagues in other places, are by us called
fathers and brothers. And whereas in other States members of the same
government regard one of their colleagues as a friend and another as an
enemy, in our State no man is a stranger to another; for every citizen
is connected with every other by ties of blood, and these names and
this way of speaking will have a corresponding reality--brother, father,
sister, mother, repeated from infancy in the ears of children, will not
be mere words. Then again the citizens will have all things in common,
in having common property they will have common pleasures and pains.

Can there be strife and contention among those who are of one mind; or
lawsuits about property when men have nothing but their bodies which
they call their own; or suits about violence when every one is bound
to defend himself? The permission to strike when insulted will be an
'antidote' to the knife and will prevent disturbances in the State. But
no younger man will strike an elder; reverence will prevent him from
laying hands on his kindred, and he will fear that the rest of the
family may retaliate. Moreover, our citizens will be rid of the
lesser evils of life; there will be no flattery of the rich, no sordid
household cares, no borrowing and not paying. Compared with the
citizens of other States, ours will be Olympic victors, and crowned
with blessings greater still--they and their children having a better
maintenance during life, and after death an honourable burial. Nor has
the happiness of the individual been sacrificed to the happiness of the
State; our Olympic victor has not been turned into a cobbler, but he
has a happiness beyond that of any cobbler. At the same time, if any
conceited youth begins to dream of appropriating the State to himself,
he must be reminded that 'half is better than the whole.' 'I should
certainly advise him to stay where he is when he has the promise of such
a brave life.'

But is such a community possible?--as among the animals, so also among
men; and if possible, in what way possible? About war there is no
difficulty; the principle of communism is adapted to military service.
Parents will take their children to look on at a battle, just as
potters' boys are trained to the business by looking on at the wheel.
And to the parents themselves, as to other animals, the sight of their
young ones will prove a great incentive to bravery. Young warriors must
learn, but they must not run into danger, although a certain degree of
risk is worth incurring when the benefit is great. The young creatures
should be placed under the care of experienced veterans, and they should
have wings--that is to say, swift and tractable steeds on which they may
fly away and escape. One of the first things to be done is to teach a
youth to ride.

Cowards and deserters shall be degraded to the class of husbandmen;
gentlemen who allow themselves to be taken prisoners, may be presented
to the enemy. But what shall be done to the hero? First of all he shall
be crowned by all the youths in the army; secondly, he shall receive the
right hand of fellowship; and thirdly, do you think that there is any
harm in his being kissed? We have already determined that he shall have
more wives than others, in order that he may have as many children
as possible. And at a feast he shall have more to eat; we have the
authority of Homer for honouring brave men with 'long chines,' which is
an appropriate compliment, because meat is a very strengthening thing.
Fill the bowl then, and give the best seats and meats to the brave--may
they do them good! And he who dies in battle will be at once declared to
be of the golden race, and will, as we believe, become one of Hesiod's
guardian angels. He shall be worshipped after death in the manner
prescribed by the oracle; and not only he, but all other benefactors
of the State who die in any other way, shall be admitted to the same
honours.

The next question is, How shall we treat our enemies? Shall Hellenes be
enslaved? No; for there is too great a risk of the whole race passing
under the yoke of the barbarians. Or shall the dead be despoiled?
Certainly not; for that sort of thing is an excuse for skulking, and has
been the ruin of many an army. There is meanness and feminine malice in
making an enemy of the dead body, when the soul which was the owner has
fled--like a dog who cannot reach his assailants, and quarrels with
the stones which are thrown at him instead. Again, the arms of Hellenes
should not be offered up in the temples of the Gods; they are a
pollution, for they are taken from brethren. And on similar grounds
there should be a limit to the devastation of Hellenic territory--the
houses should not be burnt, nor more than the annual produce carried
off. For war is of two kinds, civil and foreign; the first of which is
properly termed 'discord,' and only the second 'war;' and war between
Hellenes is in reality civil war--a quarrel in a family, which is ever
to be regarded as unpatriotic and unnatural, and ought to be prosecuted
with a view to reconciliation in a true phil-Hellenic spirit, as of
those who would chasten but not utterly enslave. The war is not against
a whole nation who are a friendly multitude of men, women, and children,
but only against a few guilty persons; when they are punished peace will
be restored. That is the way in which Hellenes should war against one
another--and against barbarians, as they war against one another now.

'But, my dear Socrates, you are forgetting the main question: Is such a
State possible? I grant all and more than you say about the blessedness
of being one family--fathers, brothers, mothers, daughters, going out
to war together; but I want to ascertain the possibility of this ideal
State.' You are too unmerciful. The first wave and the second wave I
have hardly escaped, and now you will certainly drown me with the third.
When you see the towering crest of the wave, I expect you to take pity.
'Not a whit.'

Well, then, we were led to form our ideal polity in the search after
justice, and the just man answered to the just State. Is this ideal at
all the worse for being impracticable? Would the picture of a perfectly
beautiful man be any the worse because no such man ever lived? Can any
reality come up to the idea? Nature will not allow words to be fully
realized; but if I am to try and realize the ideal of the State in a
measure, I think that an approach may be made to the perfection of which
I dream by one or two, I do not say slight, but possible changes in the
present constitution of States. I would reduce them to a single one--the
great wave, as I call it. Until, then, kings are philosophers, or
philosophers are kings, cities will never cease from ill: no, nor the
human race; nor will our ideal polity ever come into being. I know that
this is a hard saying, which few will be able to receive. 'Socrates,
all the world will take off his coat and rush upon you with sticks and
stones, and therefore I would advise you to prepare an answer.' You got
me into the scrape, I said. 'And I was right,' he replied; 'however, I
will stand by you as a sort of do-nothing, well-meaning ally.' Having
the help of such a champion, I will do my best to maintain my position.
And first, I must explain of whom I speak and what sort of natures these
are who are to be philosophers and rulers. As you are a man of pleasure,
you will not have forgotten how indiscriminate lovers are in their
attachments; they love all, and turn blemishes into beauties. The
snub-nosed youth is said to have a winning grace; the beak of another
has a royal look; the featureless are faultless; the dark are manly, the
fair angels; the sickly have a new term of endearment invented expressly
for them, which is 'honey-pale.' Lovers of wine and lovers of ambition
also desire the objects of their affection in every form. Now here comes
the point:--The philosopher too is a lover of knowledge in every form;
he has an insatiable curiosity. 'But will curiosity make a philosopher?
Are the lovers of sights and sounds, who let out their ears to every
chorus at the Dionysiac festivals, to be called philosophers?' They
are not true philosophers, but only an imitation. 'Then how are we to
describe the true?'

You would acknowledge the existence of abstract ideas, such as justice,
beauty, good, evil, which are severally one, yet in their various
combinations appear to be many. Those who recognize these realities are
philosophers; whereas the other class hear sounds and see colours,
and understand their use in the arts, but cannot attain to the true or
waking vision of absolute justice or beauty or truth; they have not the
light of knowledge, but of opinion, and what they see is a dream only.
Perhaps he of whom we say the last will be angry with us; can we pacify
him without revealing the disorder of his mind? Suppose we say that,
if he has knowledge we rejoice to hear it, but knowledge must be of
something which is, as ignorance is of something which is not; and there
is a third thing, which both is and is not, and is matter of opinion
only. Opinion and knowledge, then, having distinct objects, must also
be distinct faculties. And by faculties I mean powers unseen and
distinguishable only by the difference in their objects, as opinion
and knowledge differ, since the one is liable to err, but the other
is unerring and is the mightiest of all our faculties. If being is
the object of knowledge, and not-being of ignorance, and these are the
extremes, opinion must lie between them, and may be called darker than
the one and brighter than the other. This intermediate or contingent
matter is and is not at the same time, and partakes both of existence
and of non-existence. Now I would ask my good friend, who denies
abstract beauty and justice, and affirms a many beautiful and a
many just, whether everything he sees is not in some point of view
different--the beautiful ugly, the pious impious, the just unjust? Is
not the double also the half, and are not heavy and light relative terms
which pass into one another? Everything is and is not, as in the old
riddle--'A man and not a man shot and did not shoot a bird and not a
bird with a stone and not a stone.' The mind cannot be fixed on either
alternative; and these ambiguous, intermediate, erring, half-lighted
objects, which have a disorderly movement in the region between being
and not-being, are the proper matter of opinion, as the immutable
objects are the proper matter of knowledge. And he who grovels in the
world of sense, and has only this uncertain perception of things, is not
a philosopher, but a lover of opinion only...

The fifth book is the new beginning of the Republic, in which the
community of property and of family are first maintained, and the
transition is made to the kingdom of philosophers. For both of these
Plato, after his manner, has been preparing in some chance words of Book
IV, which fall unperceived on the reader's mind, as they are supposed
at first to have fallen on the ear of Glaucon and Adeimantus. The
'paradoxes,' as Morgenstern terms them, of this book of the Republic
will be reserved for another place; a few remarks on the style, and some
explanations of difficulties, may be briefly added.

First, there is the image of the waves, which serves for a sort of
scheme or plan of the book. The first wave, the second wave, the third
and greatest wave come rolling in, and we hear the roar of them. All
that can be said of the extravagance of Plato's proposals is anticipated
by himself. Nothing is more admirable than the hesitation with which he
proposes the solemn text, 'Until kings are philosophers,' etc.; or the
reaction from the sublime to the ridiculous, when Glaucon describes the
manner in which the new truth will be received by mankind.

Some defects and difficulties may be noted in the execution of the
communistic plan. Nothing is told us of the application of communism
to the lower classes; nor is the table of prohibited degrees capable of
being made out. It is quite possible that a child born at one hymeneal
festival may marry one of its own brothers or sisters, or even one of
its parents, at another. Plato is afraid of incestuous unions, but at
the same time he does not wish to bring before us the fact that the city
would be divided into families of those born seven and nine months after
each hymeneal festival. If it were worth while to argue seriously about
such fancies, we might remark that while all the old affinities are
abolished, the newly prohibited affinity rests not on any natural or
rational principle, but only upon the accident of children having been
born in the same month and year. Nor does he explain how the lots could
be so manipulated by the legislature as to bring together the fairest
and best. The singular expression which is employed to describe the age
of five-and-twenty may perhaps be taken from some poet.

In the delineation of the philosopher, the illustrations of the nature
of philosophy derived from love are more suited to the apprehension
of Glaucon, the Athenian man of pleasure, than to modern tastes or
feelings. They are partly facetious, but also contain a germ of truth.
That science is a whole, remains a true principle of inductive as well
as of metaphysical philosophy; and the love of universal knowledge is
still the characteristic of the philosopher in modern as well as in
ancient times.

At the end of the fifth book Plato introduces the figment of contingent
matter, which has exercised so great an influence both on the Ethics and
Theology of the modern world, and which occurs here for the first time
in the history of philosophy. He did not remark that the degrees of
knowledge in the subject have nothing corresponding to them in the
object. With him a word must answer to an idea; and he could not
conceive of an opinion which was an opinion about nothing. The influence
of analogy led him to invent 'parallels and conjugates' and to overlook
facts. To us some of his difficulties are puzzling only from their
simplicity: we do not perceive that the answer to them 'is tumbling out
at our feet.' To the mind of early thinkers, the conception of not-being
was dark and mysterious; they did not see that this terrible apparition
which threatened destruction to all knowledge was only a logical
determination. The common term under which, through the accidental use
of language, two entirely different ideas were included was another
source of confusion. Thus through the ambiguity of (Greek) Plato,
attempting to introduce order into the first chaos of human thought,
seems to have confused perception and opinion, and to have failed to
distinguish the contingent from the relative. In the Theaetetus the
first of these difficulties begins to clear up; in the Sophist the
second; and for this, as well as for other reasons, both these dialogues
are probably to be regarded as later than the Republic.

BOOK VI. Having determined that the many have no knowledge of true
being, and have no clear patterns in their minds of justice, beauty,
truth, and that philosophers have such patterns, we have now to ask
whether they or the many shall be rulers in our State. But who can doubt
that philosophers should be chosen, if they have the other qualities
which are required in a ruler? For they are lovers of the knowledge of
the eternal and of all truth; they are haters of falsehood; their meaner
desires are absorbed in the interests of knowledge; they are spectators
of all time and all existence; and in the magnificence of their
contemplation the life of man is as nothing to them, nor is death
fearful. Also they are of a social, gracious disposition, equally free
from cowardice and arrogance. They learn and remember easily; they have
harmonious, well-regulated minds; truth flows to them sweetly by nature.
Can the god of Jealousy himself find any fault with such an assemblage
of good qualities?

Here Adeimantus interposes:--'No man can answer you, Socrates; but every
man feels that this is owing to his own deficiency in argument. He is
driven from one position to another, until he has nothing more to say,
just as an unskilful player at draughts is reduced to his last move by
a more skilled opponent. And yet all the time he may be right. He may
know, in this very instance, that those who make philosophy the business
of their lives, generally turn out rogues if they are bad men, and fools
if they are good. What do you say?' I should say that he is quite right.
'Then how is such an admission reconcileable with the doctrine that
philosophers should be kings?'

I shall answer you in a parable which will also let you see how poor a
hand I am at the invention of allegories. The relation of good men to
their governments is so peculiar, that in order to defend them I must
take an illustration from the world of fiction. Conceive the captain
of a ship, taller by a head and shoulders than any of the crew, yet a
little deaf, a little blind, and rather ignorant of the seaman's art.
The sailors want to steer, although they know nothing of the art; and
they have a theory that it cannot be learned. If the helm is refused
them, they drug the captain's posset, bind him hand and foot, and take
possession of the ship. He who joins in the mutiny is termed a good
pilot and what not; they have no conception that the true pilot must
observe the winds and the stars, and must be their master, whether
they like it or not;--such an one would be called by them fool, prater,
star-gazer. This is my parable; which I will beg you to interpret for
me to those gentlemen who ask why the philosopher has such an evil name,
and to explain to them that not he, but those who will not use him, are
to blame for his uselessness. The philosopher should not beg of mankind
to be put in authority over them. The wise man should not seek the rich,
as the proverb bids, but every man, whether rich or poor, must knock at
the door of the physician when he has need of him. Now the pilot is
the philosopher--he whom in the parable they call star-gazer, and the
mutinous sailors are the mob of politicians by whom he is rendered
useless. Not that these are the worst enemies of philosophy, who is far
more dishonoured by her own professing sons when they are corrupted by
the world. Need I recall the original image of the philosopher? Did we
not say of him just now, that he loved truth and hated falsehood, and
that he could not rest in the multiplicity of phenomena, but was led by
a sympathy in his own nature to the contemplation of the absolute? All
the virtues as well as truth, who is the leader of them, took up their
abode in his soul. But as you were observing, if we turn aside to view
the reality, we see that the persons who were thus described, with the
exception of a small and useless class, are utter rogues.

The point which has to be considered, is the origin of this corruption
in nature. Every one will admit that the philosopher, in our description
of him, is a rare being. But what numberless causes tend to destroy
these rare beings! There is no good thing which may not be a cause of
evil--health, wealth, strength, rank, and the virtues themselves,
when placed under unfavourable circumstances. For as in the animal or
vegetable world the strongest seeds most need the accompaniment of good
air and soil, so the best of human characters turn out the worst when
they fall upon an unsuitable soil; whereas weak natures hardly ever
do any considerable good or harm; they are not the stuff out of which
either great criminals or great heroes are made. The philosopher follows
the same analogy: he is either the best or the worst of all men. Some
persons say that the Sophists are the corrupters of youth; but is not
public opinion the real Sophist who is everywhere present--in those very
persons, in the assembly, in the courts, in the camp, in the applauses
and hisses of the theatre re-echoed by the surrounding hills? Will not
a young man's heart leap amid these discordant sounds? and will any
education save him from being carried away by the torrent? Nor is this
all. For if he will not yield to opinion, there follows the gentle
compulsion of exile or death. What principle of rival Sophists or
anybody else can overcome in such an unequal contest? Characters there
may be more than human, who are exceptions--God may save a man, but not
his own strength. Further, I would have you consider that the hireling
Sophist only gives back to the world their own opinions; he is the
keeper of the monster, who knows how to flatter or anger him, and
observes the meaning of his inarticulate grunts. Good is what pleases
him, evil what he dislikes; truth and beauty are determined only by
the taste of the brute. Such is the Sophist's wisdom, and such is the
condition of those who make public opinion the test of truth, whether in
art or in morals. The curse is laid upon them of being and doing what
it approves, and when they attempt first principles the failure is
ludicrous. Think of all this and ask yourself whether the world is more
likely to be a believer in the unity of the idea, or in the multiplicity
of phenomena. And the world if not a believer in the idea cannot be a
philosopher, and must therefore be a persecutor of philosophers. There
is another evil:--the world does not like to lose the gifted nature, and
so they flatter the young (Alcibiades) into a magnificent opinion of his
own capacity; the tall, proper youth begins to expand, and is dreaming
of kingdoms and empires. If at this instant a friend whispers to
him, 'Now the gods lighten thee; thou art a great fool' and must be
educated--do you think that he will listen? Or suppose a better sort of
man who is attracted towards philosophy, will they not make Herculean
efforts to spoil and corrupt him? Are we not right in saying that the
love of knowledge, no less than riches, may divert him? Men of this
class (Critias) often become politicians--they are the authors of
great mischief in states, and sometimes also of great good. And thus
philosophy is deserted by her natural protectors, and others enter in
and dishonour her. Vulgar little minds see the land open and rush from
the prisons of the arts into her temple. A clever mechanic having a
soul coarse as his body, thinks that he will gain caste by becoming her
suitor. For philosophy, even in her fallen estate, has a dignity of her
own--and he, like a bald little blacksmith's apprentice as he is, having
made some money and got out of durance, washes and dresses himself as a
bridegroom and marries his master's daughter. What will be the issue of
such marriages? Will they not be vile and bastard, devoid of truth
and nature? 'They will.' Small, then, is the remnant of genuine
philosophers; there may be a few who are citizens of small states, in
which politics are not worth thinking of, or who have been detained by
Theages' bridle of ill health; for my own case of the oracular sign is
almost unique, and too rare to be worth mentioning. And these few when
they have tasted the pleasures of philosophy, and have taken a look at
that den of thieves and place of wild beasts, which is human life,
will stand aside from the storm under the shelter of a wall, and try to
preserve their own innocence and to depart in peace. 'A great work, too,
will have been accomplished by them.' Great, yes, but not the greatest;
for man is a social being, and can only attain his highest development
in the society which is best suited to him.

Enough, then, of the causes why philosophy has such an evil name.
Another question is, Which of existing states is suited to her? Not one
of them; at present she is like some exotic seed which degenerates in
a strange soil; only in her proper state will she be shown to be of
heavenly growth. 'And is her proper state ours or some other?' Ours in
all points but one, which was left undetermined. You may remember our
saying that some living mind or witness of the legislator was needed in
states. But we were afraid to enter upon a subject of such difficulty,
and now the question recurs and has not grown easier:--How may
philosophy be safely studied? Let us bring her into the light of day,
and make an end of the inquiry.

In the first place, I say boldly that nothing can be worse than the
present mode of study. Persons usually pick up a little philosophy in
early youth, and in the intervals of business, but they never master the
real difficulty, which is dialectic. Later, perhaps, they occasionally
go to a lecture on philosophy. Years advance, and the sun of philosophy,
unlike that of Heracleitus, sets never to rise again. This order of
education should be reversed; it should begin with gymnastics in youth,
and as the man strengthens, he should increase the gymnastics of
his soul. Then, when active life is over, let him finally return to
philosophy. 'You are in earnest, Socrates, but the world will be equally
earnest in withstanding you--no more than Thrasymachus.' Do not make a
quarrel between Thrasymachus and me, who were never enemies and are
now good friends enough. And I shall do my best to convince him and
all mankind of the truth of my words, or at any rate to prepare for
the future when, in another life, we may again take part in similar
discussions. 'That will be a long time hence.' Not long in comparison
with eternity. The many will probably remain incredulous, for they
have never seen the natural unity of ideas, but only artificial
juxtapositions; not free and generous thoughts, but tricks of
controversy and quips of law;--a perfect man ruling in a perfect state,
even a single one they have not known. And we foresaw that there was no
chance of perfection either in states or individuals until a necessity
was laid upon philosophers--not the rogues, but those whom we called
the useless class--of holding office; or until the sons of kings were
inspired with a true love of philosophy. Whether in the infinity of
past time there has been, or is in some distant land, or ever will be
hereafter, an ideal such as we have described, we stoutly maintain
that there has been, is, and will be such a state whenever the Muse of
philosophy rules. Will you say that the world is of another mind? O, my
friend, do not revile the world! They will soon change their opinion
if they are gently entreated, and are taught the true nature of the
philosopher. Who can hate a man who loves him? Or be jealous of one who
has no jealousy? Consider, again, that the many hate not the true but
the false philosophers--the pretenders who force their way in without
invitation, and are always speaking of persons and not of principles,
which is unlike the spirit of philosophy. For the true philosopher
despises earthly strife; his eye is fixed on the eternal order in
accordance with which he moulds himself into the Divine image (and not
himself only, but other men), and is the creator of the virtues private
as well as public. When mankind see that the happiness of states is only
to be found in that image, will they be angry with us for attempting
to delineate it? 'Certainly not. But what will be the process of
delineation?' The artist will do nothing until he has made a tabula
rasa; on this he will inscribe the constitution of a state, glancing
often at the divine truth of nature, and from that deriving the godlike
among men, mingling the two elements, rubbing out and painting in,
until there is a perfect harmony or fusion of the divine and human. But
perhaps the world will doubt the existence of such an artist. What will
they doubt? That the philosopher is a lover of truth, having a nature
akin to the best?--and if they admit this will they still quarrel with
us for making philosophers our kings? 'They will be less disposed to
quarrel.' Let us assume then that they are pacified. Still, a person may
hesitate about the probability of the son of a king being a philosopher.
And we do not deny that they are very liable to be corrupted; but yet
surely in the course of ages there might be one exception--and one
is enough. If one son of a king were a philosopher, and had obedient
citizens, he might bring the ideal polity into being. Hence we conclude
that our laws are not only the best, but that they are also possible,
though not free from difficulty.

I gained nothing by evading the troublesome questions which arose
concerning women and children. I will be wiser now and acknowledge
that we must go to the bottom of another question: What is to be the
education of our guardians? It was agreed that they were to be lovers of
their country, and were to be tested in the refiner's fire of pleasures
and pains, and those who came forth pure and remained fixed in their
principles were to have honours and rewards in life and after death.
But at this point, the argument put on her veil and turned into another
path. I hesitated to make the assertion which I now hazard,--that our
guardians must be philosophers. You remember all the contradictory
elements, which met in the philosopher--how difficult to find them all
in a single person! Intelligence and spirit are not often combined with
steadiness; the stolid, fearless, nature is averse to intellectual toil.
And yet these opposite elements are all necessary, and therefore, as
we were saying before, the aspirant must be tested in pleasures and
dangers; and also, as we must now further add, in the highest branches
of knowledge. You will remember, that when we spoke of the virtues
mention was made of a longer road, which you were satisfied to leave
unexplored. 'Enough seemed to have been said.' Enough, my friend; but
what is enough while anything remains wanting? Of all men the guardian
must not faint in the search after truth; he must be prepared to take
the longer road, or he will never reach that higher region which is
above the four virtues; and of the virtues too he must not only get an
outline, but a clear and distinct vision. (Strange that we should be so
precise about trifles, so careless about the highest truths!) 'And what
are the highest?' You to pretend unconsciousness, when you have so often
heard me speak of the idea of good, about which we know so little, and
without which though a man gain the world he has no profit of it! Some
people imagine that the good is wisdom; but this involves a circle,--the
good, they say, is wisdom, wisdom has to do with the good. According to
others the good is pleasure; but then comes the absurdity that good is
bad, for there are bad pleasures as well as good. Again, the good must
have reality; a man may desire the appearance of virtue, but he will not
desire the appearance of good. Ought our guardians then to be ignorant
of this supreme principle, of which every man has a presentiment, and
without which no man has any real knowledge of anything? 'But, Socrates,
what is this supreme principle, knowledge or pleasure, or what? You may
think me troublesome, but I say that you have no business to be always
repeating the doctrines of others instead of giving us your own.' Can
I say what I do not know? 'You may offer an opinion.' And will the
blindness and crookedness of opinion content you when you might have
the light and certainty of science? 'I will only ask you to give such
an explanation of the good as you have given already of temperance and
justice.' I wish that I could, but in my present mood I cannot reach to
the height of the knowledge of the good. To the parent or principal I
cannot introduce you, but to the child begotten in his image, which
I may compare with the interest on the principal, I will. (Audit the
account, and do not let me give you a false statement of the debt.)
You remember our old distinction of the many beautiful and the one
beautiful, the particular and the universal, the objects of sight and
the objects of thought? Did you ever consider that the objects of sight
imply a faculty of sight which is the most complex and costly of our
senses, requiring not only objects of sense, but also a medium, which is
light; without which the sight will not distinguish between colours and
all will be a blank? For light is the noble bond between the perceiving
faculty and the thing perceived, and the god who gives us light is the
sun, who is the eye of the day, but is not to be confounded with the eye
of man. This eye of the day or sun is what I call the child of the good,
standing in the same relation to the visible world as the good to the
intellectual. When the sun shines the eye sees, and in the intellectual
world where truth is, there is sight and light. Now that which is the
sun of intelligent natures, is the idea of good, the cause of knowledge
and truth, yet other and fairer than they are, and standing in the
same relation to them in which the sun stands to light. O inconceivable
height of beauty, which is above knowledge and above truth! ('You cannot
surely mean pleasure,' he said. Peace, I replied.) And this idea of
good, like the sun, is also the cause of growth, and the author not of
knowledge only, but of being, yet greater far than either in dignity
and power. 'That is a reach of thought more than human; but, pray, go
on with the image, for I suspect that there is more behind.' There is,
I said; and bearing in mind our two suns or principles, imagine further
their corresponding worlds--one of the visible, the other of the
intelligible; you may assist your fancy by figuring the distinction
under the image of a line divided into two unequal parts, and may again
subdivide each part into two lesser segments representative of the
stages of knowledge in either sphere. The lower portion of the lower or
visible sphere will consist of shadows and reflections, and its upper
and smaller portion will contain real objects in the world of nature
or of art. The sphere of the intelligible will also have two
divisions,--one of mathematics, in which there is no ascent but all is
descent; no inquiring into premises, but only drawing of inferences.
In this division the mind works with figures and numbers, the images of
which are taken not from the shadows, but from the objects, although
the truth of them is seen only with the mind's eye; and they are used as
hypotheses without being analysed. Whereas in the other division reason
uses the hypotheses as stages or steps in the ascent to the idea of
good, to which she fastens them, and then again descends, walking firmly
in the region of ideas, and of ideas only, in her ascent as well as
descent, and finally resting in them. 'I partly understand,' he replied;
'you mean that the ideas of science are superior to the hypothetical,
metaphorical conceptions of geometry and the other arts or sciences,
whichever is to be the name of them; and the latter conceptions you
refuse to make subjects of pure intellect, because they have no first
principle, although when resting on a first principle, they pass into
the higher sphere.' You understand me very well, I said. And now to
those four divisions of knowledge you may assign four corresponding
faculties--pure intelligence to the highest sphere; active intelligence
to the second; to the third, faith; to the fourth, the perception of
shadows--and the clearness of the several faculties will be in the same
ratio as the truth of the objects to which they are related...

Like Socrates, we may recapitulate the virtues of the philosopher.
In language which seems to reach beyond the horizon of that age
and country, he is described as 'the spectator of all time and all
existence.' He has the noblest gifts of nature, and makes the highest
use of them. All his desires are absorbed in the love of wisdom, which
is the love of truth. None of the graces of a beautiful soul are wanting
in him; neither can he fear death, or think much of human life. The
ideal of modern times hardly retains the simplicity of the antique;
there is not the same originality either in truth or error which
characterized the Greeks. The philosopher is no longer living in the
unseen, nor is he sent by an oracle to convince mankind of ignorance;
nor does he regard knowledge as a system of ideas leading upwards by
regular stages to the idea of good. The eagerness of the pursuit has
abated; there is more division of labour and less of comprehensive
reflection upon nature and human life as a whole; more of exact
observation and less of anticipation and inspiration. Still, in the
altered conditions of knowledge, the parallel is not wholly lost; and
there may be a use in translating the conception of Plato into the
language of our own age. The philosopher in modern times is one who
fixes his mind on the laws of nature in their sequence and connexion,
not on fragments or pictures of nature; on history, not on controversy;
on the truths which are acknowledged by the few, not on the opinions
of the many. He is aware of the importance of 'classifying according to
nature,' and will try to 'separate the limbs of science without breaking
them' (Phaedr.). There is no part of truth, whether great or small,
which he will dishonour; and in the least things he will discern the
greatest (Parmen.). Like the ancient philosopher he sees the world
pervaded by analogies, but he can also tell 'why in some cases a single
instance is sufficient for an induction' (Mill's Logic), while in
other cases a thousand examples would prove nothing. He inquires into
a portion of knowledge only, because the whole has grown too vast to be
embraced by a single mind or life. He has a clearer conception of the
divisions of science and of their relation to the mind of man than was
possible to the ancients. Like Plato, he has a vision of the unity of
knowledge, not as the beginning of philosophy to be attained by a study
of elementary mathematics, but as the far-off result of the working
of many minds in many ages. He is aware that mathematical studies are
preliminary to almost every other; at the same time, he will not reduce
all varieties of knowledge to the type of mathematics. He too must have
a nobility of character, without which genius loses the better half
of greatness. Regarding the world as a point in immensity, and each
individual as a link in a never-ending chain of existence, he will not
think much of his own life, or be greatly afraid of death.

Adeimantus objects first of all to the form of the Socratic reasoning,
thus showing that Plato is aware of the imperfection of his own method.
He brings the accusation against himself which might be brought against
him by a modern logician--that he extracts the answer because he knows
how to put the question. In a long argument words are apt to change
their meaning slightly, or premises may be assumed or conclusions
inferred with rather too much certainty or universality; the variation
at each step may be unobserved, and yet at last the divergence becomes
considerable. Hence the failure of attempts to apply arithmetical or
algebraic formulae to logic. The imperfection, or rather the higher
and more elastic nature of language, does not allow words to have the
precision of numbers or of symbols. And this quality in language impairs
the force of an argument which has many steps.

The objection, though fairly met by Socrates in this particular
instance, may be regarded as implying a reflection upon the Socratic
mode of reasoning. And here, as elsewhere, Plato seems to intimate that
the time had come when the negative and interrogative method of Socrates
must be superseded by a positive and constructive one, of which examples
are given in some of the later dialogues. Adeimantus further argues
that the ideal is wholly at variance with facts; for experience proves
philosophers to be either useless or rogues. Contrary to all expectation
Socrates has no hesitation in admitting the truth of this, and explains
the anomaly in an allegory, first characteristically depreciating his
own inventive powers. In this allegory the people are distinguished from
the professional politicians, and, as elsewhere, are spoken of in a tone
of pity rather than of censure under the image of 'the noble captain who
is not very quick in his perceptions.'

The uselessness of philosophers is explained by the circumstance that
mankind will not use them. The world in all ages has been divided
between contempt and fear of those who employ the power of ideas and
know no other weapons. Concerning the false philosopher, Socrates argues
that the best is most liable to corruption; and that the finer nature is
more likely to suffer from alien conditions. We too observe that there
are some kinds of excellence which spring from a peculiar delicacy
of constitution; as is evidently true of the poetical and imaginative
temperament, which often seems to depend on impressions, and hence can
only breathe or live in a certain atmosphere. The man of genius
has greater pains and greater pleasures, greater powers and greater
weaknesses, and often a greater play of character than is to be found in
ordinary men. He can assume the disguise of virtue or disinterestedness
without having them, or veil personal enmity in the language of
patriotism and philosophy,--he can say the word which all men are
thinking, he has an insight which is terrible into the follies and
weaknesses of his fellow-men. An Alcibiades, a Mirabeau, or a Napoleon
the First, are born either to be the authors of great evils in states,
or 'of great good, when they are drawn in that direction.'

Yet the thesis, 'corruptio optimi pessima,' cannot be maintained
generally or without regard to the kind of excellence which is
corrupted. The alien conditions which are corrupting to one nature, may
be the elements of culture to another. In general a man can only receive
his highest development in a congenial state or family, among friends
or fellow-workers. But also he may sometimes be stirred by adverse
circumstances to such a degree that he rises up against them and reforms
them. And while weaker or coarser characters will extract good out of
evil, say in a corrupt state of the church or of society, and live on
happily, allowing the evil to remain, the finer or stronger natures may
be crushed or spoiled by surrounding influences--may become misanthrope
and philanthrope by turns; or in a few instances, like the founders
of the monastic orders, or the Reformers, owing to some peculiarity in
themselves or in their age, may break away entirely from the world and
from the church, sometimes into great good, sometimes into great evil,
sometimes into both. And the same holds in the lesser sphere of a
convent, a school, a family.

Plato would have us consider how easily the best natures are overpowered
by public opinion, and what efforts the rest of mankind will make to
get possession of them. The world, the church, their own profession, any
political or party organization, are always carrying them off their legs
and teaching them to apply high and holy names to their own prejudices
and interests. The 'monster' corporation to which they belong judges
right and truth to be the pleasure of the community. The individual
becomes one with his order; or, if he resists, the world is too much for
him, and will sooner or later be revenged on him. This is, perhaps, a
one-sided but not wholly untrue picture of the maxims and practice of
mankind when they 'sit down together at an assembly,' either in ancient
or modern times.

When the higher natures are corrupted by politics, the lower take
possession of the vacant place of philosophy. This is described in one
of those continuous images in which the argument, to use a Platonic
expression, 'veils herself,' and which is dropped and reappears at
intervals. The question is asked,--Why are the citizens of states so
hostile to philosophy? The answer is, that they do not know her. And yet
there is also a better mind of the many; they would believe if they were
taught. But hitherto they have only known a conventional imitation of
philosophy, words without thoughts, systems which have no life in them;
a (divine) person uttering the words of beauty and freedom, the friend
of man holding communion with the Eternal, and seeking to frame the
state in that image, they have never known. The same double feeling
respecting the mass of mankind has always existed among men. The first
thought is that the people are the enemies of truth and right; the
second, that this only arises out of an accidental error and confusion,
and that they do not really hate those who love them, if they could be
educated to know them.

In the latter part of the sixth book, three questions have to be
considered: 1st, the nature of the longer and more circuitous way, which
is contrasted with the shorter and more imperfect method of Book IV;
2nd, the heavenly pattern or idea of the state; 3rd, the relation of the
divisions of knowledge to one another and to the corresponding faculties
of the soul:

1. Of the higher method of knowledge in Plato we have only a glimpse.
Neither here nor in the Phaedrus or Symposium, nor yet in the Philebus
or Sophist, does he give any clear explanation of his meaning. He would
probably have described his method as proceeding by regular steps to a
system of universal knowledge, which inferred the parts from the whole
rather than the whole from the parts. This ideal logic is not practised
by him in the search after justice, or in the analysis of the parts of
the soul; there, like Aristotle in the Nicomachean Ethics, he argues
from experience and the common use of language. But at the end of the
sixth book he conceives another and more perfect method, in which
all ideas are only steps or grades or moments of thought, forming a
connected whole which is self-supporting, and in which consistency is
the test of truth. He does not explain to us in detail the nature of the
process. Like many other thinkers both in ancient and modern times
his mind seems to be filled with a vacant form which he is unable to
realize. He supposes the sciences to have a natural order and connexion
in an age when they can hardly be said to exist. He is hastening on to
the 'end of the intellectual world' without even making a beginning of
them.

In modern times we hardly need to be reminded that the process of
acquiring knowledge is here confused with the contemplation of absolute
knowledge. In all science a priori and a posteriori truths mingle in
various proportions. The a priori part is that which is derived from the
most universal experience of men, or is universally accepted by
them; the a posteriori is that which grows up around the more
general principles and becomes imperceptibly one with them. But Plato
erroneously imagines that the synthesis is separable from the analysis,
and that the method of science can anticipate science. In entertaining
such a vision of a priori knowledge he is sufficiently justified, or at
least his meaning may be sufficiently explained by the similar attempts
of Descartes, Kant, Hegel, and even of Bacon himself, in modern
philosophy. Anticipations or divinations, or prophetic glimpses of
truths whether concerning man or nature, seem to stand in the same
relation to ancient philosophy which hypotheses bear to modern inductive
science. These 'guesses at truth' were not made at random; they arose
from a superficial impression of uniformities and first principles
in nature which the genius of the Greek, contemplating the expanse of
heaven and earth, seemed to recognize in the distance. Nor can we deny
that in ancient times knowledge must have stood still, and the human
mind been deprived of the very instruments of thought, if philosophy had
been strictly confined to the results of experience.

2. Plato supposes that when the tablet has been made blank the artist
will fill in the lineaments of the ideal state. Is this a pattern laid
up in heaven, or mere vacancy on which he is supposed to gaze with
wondering eye? The answer is, that such ideals are framed partly by the
omission of particulars, partly by imagination perfecting the form which
experience supplies (Phaedo). Plato represents these ideals in a
figure as belonging to another world; and in modern times the idea will
sometimes seem to precede, at other times to co-operate with the hand
of the artist. As in science, so also in creative art, there is a
synthetical as well as an analytical method. One man will have the whole
in his mind before he begins; to another the processes of mind and hand
will be simultaneous.

3. There is no difficulty in seeing that Plato's divisions of knowledge
are based, first, on the fundamental antithesis of sensible and
intellectual which pervades the whole pre-Socratic philosophy; in which
is implied also the opposition of the permanent and transient, of the
universal and particular. But the age of philosophy in which he lived
seemed to require a further distinction;--numbers and figures were
beginning to separate from ideas. The world could no longer regard
justice as a cube, and was learning to see, though imperfectly, that
the abstractions of sense were distinct from the abstractions of mind.
Between the Eleatic being or essence and the shadows of phenomena, the
Pythagorean principle of number found a place, and was, as Aristotle
remarks, a conducting medium from one to the other. Hence Plato is led
to introduce a third term which had not hitherto entered into the scheme
of his philosophy. He had observed the use of mathematics in education;
they were the best preparation for higher studies. The subjective
relation between them further suggested an objective one; although
the passage from one to the other is really imaginary (Metaph.). For
metaphysical and moral philosophy has no connexion with mathematics;
number and figure are the abstractions of time and space, not the
expressions of purely intellectual conceptions. When divested of
metaphor, a straight line or a square has no more to do with right and
justice than a crooked line with vice. The figurative association was
mistaken for a real one; and thus the three latter divisions of the
Platonic proportion were constructed.

There is more difficulty in comprehending how he arrived at the
first term of the series, which is nowhere else mentioned, and has no
reference to any other part of his system. Nor indeed does the relation
of shadows to objects correspond to the relation of numbers to ideas.
Probably Plato has been led by the love of analogy (Timaeus) to make
four terms instead of three, although the objects perceived in both
divisions of the lower sphere are equally objects of sense. He is also
preparing the way, as his manner is, for the shadows of images at the
beginning of the seventh book, and the imitation of an imitation in the
tenth. The line may be regarded as reaching from unity to infinity, and
is divided into two unequal parts, and subdivided into two more;
each lower sphere is the multiplication of the preceding. Of the four
faculties, faith in the lower division has an intermediate position (cp.
for the use of the word faith or belief, (Greek), Timaeus), contrasting
equally with the vagueness of the perception of shadows (Greek) and the
higher certainty of understanding (Greek) and reason (Greek).

The difference between understanding and mind or reason (Greek) is
analogous to the difference between acquiring knowledge in the parts
and the contemplation of the whole. True knowledge is a whole, and is
at rest; consistency and universality are the tests of truth. To this
self-evidencing knowledge of the whole the faculty of mind is supposed
to correspond. But there is a knowledge of the understanding which
is incomplete and in motion always, because unable to rest in
the subordinate ideas. Those ideas are called both images and
hypotheses--images because they are clothed in sense, hypotheses because
they are assumptions only, until they are brought into connexion with
the idea of good.

The general meaning of the passage, 'Noble, then, is the bond which
links together sight...And of this kind I spoke as the intelligible...'
so far as the thought contained in it admits of being translated
into the terms of modern philosophy, may be described or explained as
follows:--There is a truth, one and self-existent, to which by the help
of a ladder let down from above, the human intelligence may ascend. This
unity is like the sun in the heavens, the light by which all things are
seen, the being by which they are created and sustained. It is the
IDEA of good. And the steps of the ladder leading up to this highest or
universal existence are the mathematical sciences, which also contain
in themselves an element of the universal. These, too, we see in a new
manner when we connect them with the idea of good. They then cease to
be hypotheses or pictures, and become essential parts of a higher truth
which is at once their first principle and their final cause.

We cannot give any more precise meaning to this remarkable passage, but
we may trace in it several rudiments or vestiges of thought which are
common to us and to Plato: such as (1) the unity and correlation of the
sciences, or rather of science, for in Plato's time they were not yet
parted off or distinguished; (2) the existence of a Divine Power,
or life or idea or cause or reason, not yet conceived or no longer
conceived as in the Timaeus and elsewhere under the form of a person;
(3) the recognition of the hypothetical and conditional character of the
mathematical sciences, and in a measure of every science when isolated
from the rest; (4) the conviction of a truth which is invisible, and of
a law, though hardly a law of nature, which permeates the intellectual
rather than the visible world.

The method of Socrates is hesitating and tentative, awaiting the fuller
explanation of the idea of good, and of the nature of dialectic in the
seventh book. The imperfect intelligence of Glaucon, and the reluctance
of Socrates to make a beginning, mark the difficulty of the subject.
The allusion to Theages' bridle, and to the internal oracle, or demonic
sign, of Socrates, which here, as always in Plato, is only prohibitory;
the remark that the salvation of any remnant of good in the present evil
state of the world is due to God only; the reference to a future state
of existence, which is unknown to Glaucon in the tenth book, and in
which the discussions of Socrates and his disciples would be resumed;
the surprise in the answers; the fanciful irony of Socrates, where
he pretends that he can only describe the strange position of the
philosopher in a figure of speech; the original observation that the
Sophists, after all, are only the representatives and not the leaders
of public opinion; the picture of the philosopher standing aside in the
shower of sleet under a wall; the figure of 'the great beast' followed
by the expression of good-will towards the common people who would not
have rejected the philosopher if they had known him; the 'right noble
thought' that the highest truths demand the greatest exactness; the
hesitation of Socrates in returning once more to his well-worn theme of
the idea of good; the ludicrous earnestness of Glaucon; the comparison
of philosophy to a deserted maiden who marries beneath her--are some of
the most interesting characteristics of the sixth book.

Yet a few more words may be added, on the old theme, which was so
oft discussed in the Socratic circle, of which we, like Glaucon and
Adeimantus, would fain, if possible, have a clearer notion. Like them,
we are dissatisfied when we are told that the idea of good can only be
revealed to a student of the mathematical sciences, and we are inclined
to think that neither we nor they could have been led along that path to
any satisfactory goal. For we have learned that differences of quantity
cannot pass into differences of quality, and that the mathematical
sciences can never rise above themselves into the sphere of our higher
thoughts, although they may sometimes furnish symbols and expressions
of them, and may train the mind in habits of abstraction and
self-concentration. The illusion which was natural to an ancient
philosopher has ceased to be an illusion to us. But if the process by
which we are supposed to arrive at the idea of good be really imaginary,
may not the idea itself be also a mere abstraction? We remark, first,
that in all ages, and especially in primitive philosophy, words such
as being, essence, unity, good, have exerted an extraordinary influence
over the minds of men. The meagreness or negativeness of their content
has been in an inverse ratio to their power. They have become the forms
under which all things were comprehended. There was a need or instinct
in the human soul which they satisfied; they were not ideas, but gods,
and to this new mythology the men of a later generation began to attach
the powers and associations of the elder deities.

The idea of good is one of those sacred words or forms of thought, which
were beginning to take the place of the old mythology. It meant unity,
in which all time and all existence were gathered up. It was the truth
of all things, and also the light in which they shone forth, and became
evident to intelligences human and divine. It was the cause of all
things, the power by which they were brought into being. It was the
universal reason divested of a human personality. It was the life
as well as the light of the world, all knowledge and all power were
comprehended in it. The way to it was through the mathematical sciences,
and these too were dependent on it. To ask whether God was the maker of
it, or made by it, would be like asking whether God could be conceived
apart from goodness, or goodness apart from God. The God of the Timaeus
is not really at variance with the idea of good; they are aspects of
the same, differing only as the personal from the impersonal, or the
masculine from the neuter, the one being the expression or language of
mythology, the other of philosophy.

This, or something like this, is the meaning of the idea of good as
conceived by Plato. Ideas of number, order, harmony, development may
also be said to enter into it. The paraphrase which has just been given
of it goes beyond the actual words of Plato. We have perhaps arrived at
the stage of philosophy which enables us to understand what he is aiming
at, better than he did himself. We are beginning to realize what he saw
darkly and at a distance. But if he could have been told that this, or
some conception of the same kind, but higher than this, was the truth
at which he was aiming, and the need which he sought to supply, he would
gladly have recognized that more was contained in his own thoughts
than he himself knew. As his words are few and his manner reticent
and tentative, so must the style of his interpreter be. We should not
approach his meaning more nearly by attempting to define it further. In
translating him into the language of modern thought, we might insensibly
lose the spirit of ancient philosophy. It is remarkable that although
Plato speaks of the idea of good as the first principle of truth and
being, it is nowhere mentioned in his writings except in this passage.
Nor did it retain any hold upon the minds of his disciples in a later
generation; it was probably unintelligible to them. Nor does the mention
of it in Aristotle appear to have any reference to this or any other
passage in his extant writings.

BOOK VII. And now I will describe in a figure the enlightenment or
unenlightenment of our nature:--Imagine human beings living in an
underground den which is open towards the light; they have been there
from childhood, having their necks and legs chained, and can only see
into the den. At a distance there is a fire, and between the fire and
the prisoners a raised way, and a low wall is built along the way, like
the screen over which marionette players show their puppets. Behind the
wall appear moving figures, who hold in their hands various works of
art, and among them images of men and animals, wood and stone, and some
of the passers-by are talking and others silent. 'A strange parable,'
he said, 'and strange captives.' They are ourselves, I replied; and they
see only the shadows of the images which the fire throws on the wall of
the den; to these they give names, and if we add an echo which returns
from the wall, the voices of the passengers will seem to proceed from
the shadows. Suppose now that you suddenly turn them round and make them
look with pain and grief to themselves at the real images; will they
believe them to be real? Will not their eyes be dazzled, and will they
not try to get away from the light to something which they are able to
behold without blinking? And suppose further, that they are dragged up
a steep and rugged ascent into the presence of the sun himself, will not
their sight be darkened with the excess of light? Some time will pass
before they get the habit of perceiving at all; and at first they will
be able to perceive only shadows and reflections in the water; then they
will recognize the moon and the stars, and will at length behold the sun
in his own proper place as he is. Last of all they will conclude:--This
is he who gives us the year and the seasons, and is the author of all
that we see. How will they rejoice in passing from darkness to light!
How worthless to them will seem the honours and glories of the den! But
now imagine further, that they descend into their old habitations;--in
that underground dwelling they will not see as well as their fellows,
and will not be able to compete with them in the measurement of the
shadows on the wall; there will be many jokes about the man who went on
a visit to the sun and lost his eyes, and if they find anybody trying to
set free and enlighten one of their number, they will put him to death,
if they can catch him. Now the cave or den is the world of sight, the
fire is the sun, the way upwards is the way to knowledge, and in the
world of knowledge the idea of good is last seen and with difficulty,
but when seen is inferred to be the author of good and right--parent of
the lord of light in this world, and of truth and understanding in the
other. He who attains to the beatific vision is always going upwards; he
is unwilling to descend into political assemblies and courts of law; for
his eyes are apt to blink at the images or shadows of images which they
behold in them--he cannot enter into the ideas of those who have never
in their lives understood the relation of the shadow to the substance.
But blindness is of two kinds, and may be caused either by passing out
of darkness into light or out of light into darkness, and a man of sense
will distinguish between them, and will not laugh equally at both of
them, but the blindness which arises from fulness of light he will deem
blessed, and pity the other; or if he laugh at the puzzled soul looking
at the sun, he will have more reason to laugh than the inhabitants
of the den at those who descend from above. There is a further lesson
taught by this parable of ours. Some persons fancy that instruction is
like giving eyes to the blind, but we say that the faculty of sight was
always there, and that the soul only requires to be turned round towards
the light. And this is conversion; other virtues are almost like bodily
habits, and may be acquired in the same manner, but intelligence has
a diviner life, and is indestructible, turning either to good or evil
according to the direction given. Did you never observe how the mind of
a clever rogue peers out of his eyes, and the more clearly he sees, the
more evil he does? Now if you take such an one, and cut away from him
those leaden weights of pleasure and desire which bind his soul to
earth, his intelligence will be turned round, and he will behold the
truth as clearly as he now discerns his meaner ends. And have we not
decided that our rulers must neither be so uneducated as to have no
fixed rule of life, nor so over-educated as to be unwilling to leave
their paradise for the business of the world? We must choose out
therefore the natures who are most likely to ascend to the light and
knowledge of the good; but we must not allow them to remain in the
region of light; they must be forced down again among the captives in
the den to partake of their labours and honours. 'Will they not think
this a hardship?' You should remember that our purpose in framing the
State was not that our citizens should do what they like, but that they
should serve the State for the common good of all. May we not fairly
say to our philosopher,--Friend, we do you no wrong; for in other States
philosophy grows wild, and a wild plant owes nothing to the gardener,
but you have been trained by us to be the rulers and kings of our hive,
and therefore we must insist on your descending into the den. You must,
each of you, take your turn, and become able to use your eyes in the
dark, and with a little practice you will see far better than those who
quarrel about the shadows, whose knowledge is a dream only, whilst yours
is a waking reality. It may be that the saint or philosopher who is best
fitted, may also be the least inclined to rule, but necessity is laid
upon him, and he must no longer live in the heaven of ideas. And this
will be the salvation of the State. For those who rule must not be those
who are desirous to rule; and, if you can offer to our citizens a better
life than that of rulers generally is, there will be a chance that the
rich, not only in this world's goods, but in virtue and wisdom, may
bear rule. And the only life which is better than the life of political
ambition is that of philosophy, which is also the best preparation for
the government of a State.

Then now comes the question,--How shall we create our rulers; what way
is there from darkness to light? The change is effected by philosophy;
it is not the turning over of an oyster-shell, but the conversion of a
soul from night to day, from becoming to being. And what training will
draw the soul upwards? Our former education had two branches, gymnastic,
which was occupied with the body, and music, the sister art, which
infused a natural harmony into mind and literature; but neither of these
sciences gave any promise of doing what we want. Nothing remains to us
but that universal or primary science of which all the arts and sciences
are partakers, I mean number or calculation. 'Very true.' Including the
art of war? 'Yes, certainly.' Then there is something ludicrous about
Palamedes in the tragedy, coming in and saying that he had invented
number, and had counted the ranks and set them in order. For if
Agamemnon could not count his feet (and without number how could he?)
he must have been a pretty sort of general indeed. No man should be a
soldier who cannot count, and indeed he is hardly to be called a man.
But I am not speaking of these practical applications of arithmetic, for
number, in my view, is rather to be regarded as a conductor to thought
and being. I will explain what I mean by the last expression:--Things
sensible are of two kinds; the one class invite or stimulate the mind,
while in the other the mind acquiesces. Now the stimulating class are
the things which suggest contrast and relation. For example, suppose
that I hold up to the eyes three fingers--a fore finger, a middle
finger, a little finger--the sight equally recognizes all three fingers,
but without number cannot further distinguish them. Or again, suppose
two objects to be relatively great and small, these ideas of greatness
and smallness are supplied not by the sense, but by the mind. And the
perception of their contrast or relation quickens and sets in motion
the mind, which is puzzled by the confused intimations of sense, and has
recourse to number in order to find out whether the things indicated are
one or more than one. Number replies that they are two and not one, and
are to be distinguished from one another. Again, the sight beholds
great and small, but only in a confused chaos, and not until they are
distinguished does the question arise of their respective natures; we
are thus led on to the distinction between the visible and intelligible.
That was what I meant when I spoke of stimulants to the intellect; I was
thinking of the contradictions which arise in perception. The idea
of unity, for example, like that of a finger, does not arouse thought
unless involving some conception of plurality; but when the one is also
the opposite of one, the contradiction gives rise to reflection; an
example of this is afforded by any object of sight. All number has also
an elevating effect; it raises the mind out of the foam and flux of
generation to the contemplation of being, having lesser military and
retail uses also. The retail use is not required by us; but as our
guardian is to be a soldier as well as a philosopher, the military one
may be retained. And to our higher purpose no science can be better
adapted; but it must be pursued in the spirit of a philosopher, not of a
shopkeeper. It is concerned, not with visible objects, but with abstract
truth; for numbers are pure abstractions--the true arithmetician
indignantly denies that his unit is capable of division. When you
divide, he insists that you are only multiplying; his 'one' is not
material or resolvable into fractions, but an unvarying and absolute
equality; and this proves the purely intellectual character of his
study. Note also the great power which arithmetic has of sharpening the
wits; no other discipline is equally severe, or an equal test of general
ability, or equally improving to a stupid person.

Let our second branch of education be geometry. 'I can easily see,'
replied Glaucon, 'that the skill of the general will be doubled by his
knowledge of geometry.' That is a small matter; the use of geometry, to
which I refer, is the assistance given by it in the contemplation of the
idea of good, and the compelling the mind to look at true being, and not
at generation only. Yet the present mode of pursuing these studies,
as any one who is the least of a mathematician is aware, is mean and
ridiculous; they are made to look downwards to the arts, and not upwards
to eternal existence. The geometer is always talking of squaring,
subtending, apposing, as if he had in view action; whereas knowledge is
the real object of the study. It should elevate the soul, and create
the mind of philosophy; it should raise up what has fallen down, not to
speak of lesser uses in war and military tactics, and in the improvement
of the faculties.

Shall we propose, as a third branch of our education, astronomy? 'Very
good,' replied Glaucon; 'the knowledge of the heavens is necessary at
once for husbandry, navigation, military tactics.' I like your way of
giving useful reasons for everything in order to make friends of the
world. And there is a difficulty in proving to mankind that education is
not only useful information but a purification of the eye of the soul,
which is better than the bodily eye, for by this alone is truth seen.
Now, will you appeal to mankind in general or to the philosopher? or
would you prefer to look to yourself only? 'Every man is his own best
friend.' Then take a step backward, for we are out of order, and insert
the third dimension which is of solids, after the second which is of
planes, and then you may proceed to solids in motion. But solid geometry
is not popular and has not the patronage of the State, nor is the use
of it fully recognized; the difficulty is great, and the votaries of the
study are conceited and impatient. Still the charm of the pursuit wins
upon men, and, if government would lend a little assistance, there
might be great progress made. 'Very true,' replied Glaucon; 'but do
I understand you now to begin with plane geometry, and to place next
geometry of solids, and thirdly, astronomy, or the motion of solids?'
Yes, I said; my hastiness has only hindered us.

'Very good, and now let us proceed to astronomy, about which I am
willing to speak in your lofty strain. No one can fail to see that the
contemplation of the heavens draws the soul upwards.' I am an exception,
then; astronomy as studied at present appears to me to draw the soul
not upwards, but downwards. Star-gazing is just looking up at the
ceiling--no better; a man may lie on his back on land or on water--he
may look up or look down, but there is no science in that. The vision of
knowledge of which I speak is seen not with the eyes, but with the mind.
All the magnificence of the heavens is but the embroidery of a copy
which falls far short of the divine Original, and teaches nothing about
the absolute harmonies or motions of things. Their beauty is like the
beauty of figures drawn by the hand of Daedalus or any other great
artist, which may be used for illustration, but no mathematician would
seek to obtain from them true conceptions of equality or numerical
relations. How ridiculous then to look for these in the map of the
heavens, in which the imperfection of matter comes in everywhere as a
disturbing element, marring the symmetry of day and night, of months and
years, of the sun and stars in their courses. Only by problems can we
place astronomy on a truly scientific basis. Let the heavens alone, and
exert the intellect.

Still, mathematics admit of other applications, as the Pythagoreans say,
and we agree. There is a sister science of harmonical motion, adapted to
the ear as astronomy is to the eye, and there may be other applications
also. Let us inquire of the Pythagoreans about them, not forgetting
that we have an aim higher than theirs, which is the relation of these
sciences to the idea of good. The error which pervades astronomy also
pervades harmonics. The musicians put their ears in the place of their
minds. 'Yes,' replied Glaucon, 'I like to see them laying their ears
alongside of their neighbours' faces--some saying, "That's a new note,"
others declaring that the two notes are the same.' Yes, I said; but you
mean the empirics who are always twisting and torturing the strings
of the lyre, and quarrelling about the tempers of the strings; I am
referring rather to the Pythagorean harmonists, who are almost equally
in error. For they investigate only the numbers of the consonances which
are heard, and ascend no higher,--of the true numerical harmony which
is unheard, and is only to be found in problems, they have not even a
conception. 'That last,' he said, 'must be a marvellous thing.' A thing,
I replied, which is only useful if pursued with a view to the good.

All these sciences are the prelude of the strain, and are profitable
if they are regarded in their natural relations to one another. 'I
dare say, Socrates,' said Glaucon; 'but such a study will be an endless
business.' What study do you mean--of the prelude, or what? For all
these things are only the prelude, and you surely do not suppose that a
mere mathematician is also a dialectician? 'Certainly not. I have hardly
ever known a mathematician who could reason.' And yet, Glaucon, is
not true reasoning that hymn of dialectic which is the music of the
intellectual world, and which was by us compared to the effort of sight,
when from beholding the shadows on the wall we arrived at last at
the images which gave the shadows? Even so the dialectical faculty
withdrawing from sense arrives by the pure intellect at the
contemplation of the idea of good, and never rests but at the very end
of the intellectual world. And the royal road out of the cave into
the light, and the blinking of the eyes at the sun and turning to
contemplate the shadows of reality, not the shadows of an image
only--this progress and gradual acquisition of a new faculty of sight by
the help of the mathematical sciences, is the elevation of the soul to
the contemplation of the highest ideal of being.

'So far, I agree with you. But now, leaving the prelude, let us proceed
to the hymn. What, then, is the nature of dialectic, and what are the
paths which lead thither?' Dear Glaucon, you cannot follow me here.
There can be no revelation of the absolute truth to one who has not been
disciplined in the previous sciences. But that there is a science of
absolute truth, which is attained in some way very different from
those now practised, I am confident. For all other arts or sciences are
relative to human needs and opinions; and the mathematical sciences are
but a dream or hypothesis of true being, and never analyse their own
principles. Dialectic alone rises to the principle which is above
hypotheses, converting and gently leading the eye of the soul out of the
barbarous slough of ignorance into the light of the upper world, with
the help of the sciences which we have been describing--sciences, as
they are often termed, although they require some other name, implying
greater clearness than opinion and less clearness than science, and this
in our previous sketch was understanding. And so we get four names--two
for intellect, and two for opinion,--reason or mind, understanding,
faith, perception of shadows--which make a proportion--
being:becoming::intellect:opinion--and science:belief::understanding:
perception of shadows. Dialectic may be further described as that
science which defines and explains the essence or being of each nature,
which distinguishes and abstracts the good, and is ready to do battle
against all opponents in the cause of good. To him who is not a
dialectician life is but a sleepy dream; and many a man is in his grave
before his is well waked up. And would you have the future rulers of
your ideal State intelligent beings, or stupid as posts? 'Certainly not
the latter.' Then you must train them in dialectic, which will teach
them to ask and answer questions, and is the coping-stone of the
sciences.

I dare say that you have not forgotten how our rulers were chosen; and
the process of selection may be carried a step further:--As before, they
must be constant and valiant, good-looking, and of noble manners, but
now they must also have natural ability which education will improve;
that is to say, they must be quick at learning, capable of mental toil,
retentive, solid, diligent natures, who combine intellectual with
moral virtues; not lame and one-sided, diligent in bodily exercise
and indolent in mind, or conversely; not a maimed soul, which hates
falsehood and yet unintentionally is always wallowing in the mire of
ignorance; not a bastard or feeble person, but sound in wind and limb,
and in perfect condition for the great gymnastic trial of the mind.
Justice herself can find no fault with natures such as these; and they
will be the saviours of our State; disciples of another sort would
only make philosophy more ridiculous than she is at present. Forgive
my enthusiasm; I am becoming excited; but when I see her trampled
underfoot, I am angry at the authors of her disgrace. 'I did not notice
that you were more excited than you ought to have been.' But I felt that
I was. Now do not let us forget another point in the selection of our
disciples--that they must be young and not old. For Solon is mistaken
in saying that an old man can be always learning; youth is the time of
study, and here we must remember that the mind is free and dainty, and,
unlike the body, must not be made to work against the grain. Learning
should be at first a sort of play, in which the natural bent is
detected. As in training them for war, the young dogs should at first
only taste blood; but when the necessary gymnastics are over which
during two or three years divide life between sleep and bodily exercise,
then the education of the soul will become a more serious matter. At
twenty years of age, a selection must be made of the more promising
disciples, with whom a new epoch of education will begin. The sciences
which they have hitherto learned in fragments will now be brought into
relation with each other and with true being; for the power of combining
them is the test of speculative and dialectical ability. And afterwards
at thirty a further selection shall be made of those who are able to
withdraw from the world of sense into the abstraction of ideas. But
at this point, judging from present experience, there is a danger that
dialectic may be the source of many evils. The danger may be illustrated
by a parallel case:--Imagine a person who has been brought up in wealth
and luxury amid a crowd of flatterers, and who is suddenly informed that
he is a supposititious son. He has hitherto honoured his reputed parents
and disregarded the flatterers, and now he does the reverse. This is
just what happens with a man's principles. There are certain doctrines
which he learnt at home and which exercised a parental authority
over him. Presently he finds that imputations are cast upon them; a
troublesome querist comes and asks, 'What is the just and good?'
or proves that virtue is vice and vice virtue, and his mind becomes
unsettled, and he ceases to love, honour, and obey them as he has
hitherto done. He is seduced into the life of pleasure, and becomes
a lawless person and a rogue. The case of such speculators is very
pitiable, and, in order that our thirty years' old pupils may not
require this pity, let us take every possible care that young persons do
not study philosophy too early. For a young man is a sort of puppy
who only plays with an argument; and is reasoned into and out of his
opinions every day; he soon begins to believe nothing, and brings
himself and philosophy into discredit. A man of thirty does not run
on in this way; he will argue and not merely contradict, and adds new
honour to philosophy by the sobriety of his conduct. What time shall we
allow for this second gymnastic training of the soul?--say, twice the
time required for the gymnastics of the body; six, or perhaps five
years, to commence at thirty, and then for fifteen years let the student
go down into the den, and command armies, and gain experience of life.
At fifty let him return to the end of all things, and have his eyes
uplifted to the idea of good, and order his life after that pattern; if
necessary, taking his turn at the helm of State, and training up others
to be his successors. When his time comes he shall depart in peace to
the islands of the blest. He shall be honoured with sacrifices, and
receive such worship as the Pythian oracle approves.

'You are a statuary, Socrates, and have made a perfect image of our
governors.' Yes, and of our governesses, for the women will share in
all things with the men. And you will admit that our State is not a
mere aspiration, but may really come into being when there shall arise
philosopher-kings, one or more, who will despise earthly vanities, and
will be the servants of justice only. 'And how will they begin their
work?' Their first act will be to send away into the country all those
who are more than ten years of age, and to proceed with those who are
left...

At the commencement of the sixth book, Plato anticipated his explanation
of the relation of the philosopher to the world in an allegory, in
this, as in other passages, following the order which he prescribes
in education, and proceeding from the concrete to the abstract. At the
commencement of Book VII, under the figure of a cave having an opening
towards a fire and a way upwards to the true light, he returns to view
the divisions of knowledge, exhibiting familiarly, as in a picture, the
result which had been hardly won by a great effort of thought in the
previous discussion; at the same time casting a glance onward at the
dialectical process, which is represented by the way leading from
darkness to light. The shadows, the images, the reflection of the
sun and stars in the water, the stars and sun themselves, severally
correspond,--the first, to the realm of fancy and poetry,--the second,
to the world of sense,--the third, to the abstractions or universals of
sense, of which the mathematical sciences furnish the type,--the fourth
and last to the same abstractions, when seen in the unity of the idea,
from which they derive a new meaning and power. The true dialectical
process begins with the contemplation of the real stars, and not mere
reflections of them, and ends with the recognition of the sun, or idea
of good, as the parent not only of light but of warmth and growth.
To the divisions of knowledge the stages of education partly
answer:--first, there is the early education of childhood and youth
in the fancies of the poets, and in the laws and customs of the
State;--then there is the training of the body to be a warrior athlete,
and a good servant of the mind;--and thirdly, after an interval follows
the education of later life, which begins with mathematics and proceeds
to philosophy in general.

There seem to be two great aims in the philosophy of Plato,--first, to
realize abstractions; secondly, to connect them. According to him, the
true education is that which draws men from becoming to being, and to
a comprehensive survey of all being. He desires to develop in the human
mind the faculty of seeing the universal in all things; until at last
the particulars of sense drop away and the universal alone remains. He
then seeks to combine the universals which he has disengaged from sense,
not perceiving that the correlation of them has no other basis but the
common use of language. He never understands that abstractions, as Hegel
says, are 'mere abstractions'--of use when employed in the arrangement
of facts, but adding nothing to the sum of knowledge when pursued apart
from them, or with reference to an imaginary idea of good. Still the
exercise of the faculty of abstraction apart from facts has enlarged the
mind, and played a great part in the education of the human race.
Plato appreciated the value of this faculty, and saw that it might be
quickened by the study of number and relation. All things in which
there is opposition or proportion are suggestive of reflection. The
mere impression of sense evokes no power of thought or of mind, but when
sensible objects ask to be compared and distinguished, then philosophy
begins. The science of arithmetic first suggests such distinctions. The
follow in order the other sciences of plain and solid geometry, and of
solids in motion, one branch of which is astronomy or the harmony of
the spheres,--to this is appended the sister science of the harmony
of sounds. Plato seems also to hint at the possibility of other
applications of arithmetical or mathematical proportions, such as we
employ in chemistry and natural philosophy, such as the Pythagoreans and
even Aristotle make use of in Ethics and Politics, e.g. his distinction
between arithmetical and geometrical proportion in the Ethics (Book V),
or between numerical and proportional equality in the Politics.

The modern mathematician will readily sympathise with Plato's delight
in the properties of pure mathematics. He will not be disinclined to say
with him:--Let alone the heavens, and study the beauties of number and
figure in themselves. He too will be apt to depreciate their application
to the arts. He will observe that Plato has a conception of geometry,
in which figures are to be dispensed with; thus in a distant and
shadowy way seeming to anticipate the possibility of working geometrical
problems by a more general mode of analysis. He will remark with
interest on the backward state of solid geometry, which, alas! was not
encouraged by the aid of the State in the age of Plato; and he will
recognize the grasp of Plato's mind in his ability to conceive of
one science of solids in motion including the earth as well as the
heavens,--not forgetting to notice the intimation to which allusion has
been already made, that besides astronomy and harmonics the science
of solids in motion may have other applications. Still more will he be
struck with the comprehensiveness of view which led Plato, at a time
when these sciences hardly existed, to say that they must be studied in
relation to one another, and to the idea of good, or common principle
of truth and being. But he will also see (and perhaps without surprise)
that in that stage of physical and mathematical knowledge, Plato has
fallen into the error of supposing that he can construct the heavens a
priori by mathematical problems, and determine the principles of harmony
irrespective of the adaptation of sounds to the human ear. The illusion
was a natural one in that age and country. The simplicity and certainty
of astronomy and harmonics seemed to contrast with the variation and
complexity of the world of sense; hence the circumstance that there was
some elementary basis of fact, some measurement of distance or time or
vibrations on which they must ultimately rest, was overlooked by him.
The modern predecessors of Newton fell into errors equally great; and
Plato can hardly be said to have been very far wrong, or may even claim
a sort of prophetic insight into the subject, when we consider that
the greater part of astronomy at the present day consists of abstract
dynamics, by the help of which most astronomical discoveries have been
made.

The metaphysical philosopher from his point of view recognizes
mathematics as an instrument of education,--which strengthens the
power of attention, developes the sense of order and the faculty of
construction, and enables the mind to grasp under simple formulae the
quantitative differences of physical phenomena. But while acknowledging
their value in education, he sees also that they have no connexion with
our higher moral and intellectual ideas. In the attempt which Plato
makes to connect them, we easily trace the influences of ancient
Pythagorean notions. There is no reason to suppose that he is speaking
of the ideal numbers; but he is describing numbers which are pure
abstractions, to which he assigns a real and separate existence, which,
as 'the teachers of the art' (meaning probably the Pythagoreans) would
have affirmed, repel all attempts at subdivision, and in which unity and
every other number are conceived of as absolute. The truth and certainty
of numbers, when thus disengaged from phenomena, gave them a kind of
sacredness in the eyes of an ancient philosopher. Nor is it easy to say
how far ideas of order and fixedness may have had a moral and elevating
influence on the minds of men, 'who,' in the words of the Timaeus,
'might learn to regulate their erring lives according to them.' It is
worthy of remark that the old Pythagorean ethical symbols still exist as
figures of speech among ourselves. And those who in modern times see the
world pervaded by universal law, may also see an anticipation of this
last word of modern philosophy in the Platonic idea of good, which
is the source and measure of all things, and yet only an abstraction
(Philebus).

Two passages seem to require more particular explanations. First, that
which relates to the analysis of vision. The difficulty in this passage
may be explained, like many others, from differences in the modes of
conception prevailing among ancient and modern thinkers. To us, the
perceptions of sense are inseparable from the act of the mind which
accompanies them. The consciousness of form, colour, distance, is
indistinguishable from the simple sensation, which is the medium of
them. Whereas to Plato sense is the Heraclitean flux of sense, not the
vision of objects in the order in which they actually present themselves
to the experienced sight, but as they may be imagined to appear confused
and blurred to the half-awakened eye of the infant. The first action of
the mind is aroused by the attempt to set in order this chaos, and
the reason is required to frame distinct conceptions under which
the confused impressions of sense may be arranged. Hence arises
the question, 'What is great, what is small?' and thus begins the
distinction of the visible and the intelligible.

The second difficulty relates to Plato's conception of harmonics.
Three classes of harmonists are distinguished by him:--first, the
Pythagoreans, whom he proposes to consult as in the previous discussion
on music he was to consult Damon--they are acknowledged to be masters
in the art, but are altogether deficient in the knowledge of its higher
import and relation to the good; secondly, the mere empirics, whom
Glaucon appears to confuse with them, and whom both he and Socrates
ludicrously describe as experimenting by mere auscultation on the
intervals of sounds. Both of these fall short in different degrees of
the Platonic idea of harmony, which must be studied in a purely
abstract way, first by the method of problems, and secondly as a part of
universal knowledge in relation to the idea of good.

The allegory has a political as well as a philosophical meaning. The
den or cave represents the narrow sphere of politics or law (compare the
description of the philosopher and lawyer in the Theaetetus), and
the light of the eternal ideas is supposed to exercise a disturbing
influence on the minds of those who return to this lower world. In other
words, their principles are too wide for practical application; they are
looking far away into the past and future, when their business is with
the present. The ideal is not easily reduced to the conditions of actual
life, and may often be at variance with them. And at first, those who
return are unable to compete with the inhabitants of the den in the
measurement of the shadows, and are derided and persecuted by them; but
after a while they see the things below in far truer proportions than
those who have never ascended into the upper world. The difference
between the politician turned into a philosopher and the philosopher
turned into a politician, is symbolized by the two kinds of disordered
eyesight, the one which is experienced by the captive who is transferred
from darkness to day, the other, of the heavenly messenger who
voluntarily for the good of his fellow-men descends into the den. In
what way the brighter light is to dawn on the inhabitants of the lower
world, or how the idea of good is to become the guiding principle of
politics, is left unexplained by Plato. Like the nature and divisions of
dialectic, of which Glaucon impatiently demands to be informed, perhaps
he would have said that the explanation could not be given except to a
disciple of the previous sciences. (Symposium.)

Many illustrations of this part of the Republic may be found in modern
Politics and in daily life. For among ourselves, too, there have
been two sorts of Politicians or Statesmen, whose eyesight has become
disordered in two different ways. First, there have been great men who,
in the language of Burke, 'have been too much given to general
maxims,' who, like J.S. Mill or Burke himself, have been theorists or
philosophers before they were politicians, or who, having been students
of history, have allowed some great historical parallel, such as the
English Revolution of 1688, or possibly Athenian democracy or Roman
Imperialism, to be the medium through which they viewed contemporary
events. Or perhaps the long projecting shadow of some existing
institution may have darkened their vision. The Church of the future,
the Commonwealth of the future, the Society of the future, have
so absorbed their minds, that they are unable to see in their true
proportions the Politics of to-day. They have been intoxicated with
great ideas, such as liberty, or equality, or the greatest happiness of
the greatest number, or the brotherhood of humanity, and they no
longer care to consider how these ideas must be limited in practice or
harmonized with the conditions of human life. They are full of light,
but the light to them has become only a sort of luminous mist or
blindness. Almost every one has known some enthusiastic half-educated
person, who sees everything at false distances, and in erroneous
proportions.

With this disorder of eyesight may be contrasted another--of those who
see not far into the distance, but what is near only; who have been
engaged all their lives in a trade or a profession; who are limited to
a set or sect of their own. Men of this kind have no universal except
their own interests or the interests of their class, no principle but
the opinion of persons like themselves, no knowledge of affairs beyond
what they pick up in the streets or at their club. Suppose them to be
sent into a larger world, to undertake some higher calling, from being
tradesmen to turn generals or politicians, from being schoolmasters to
become philosophers:--or imagine them on a sudden to receive an inward
light which reveals to them for the first time in their lives a higher
idea of God and the existence of a spiritual world, by this sudden
conversion or change is not their daily life likely to be upset; and on
the other hand will not many of their old prejudices and narrownesses
still adhere to them long after they have begun to take a more
comprehensive view of human things? From familiar examples like these we
may learn what Plato meant by the eyesight which is liable to two kinds
of disorders.

Nor have we any difficulty in drawing a parallel between the young
Athenian in the fifth century before Christ who became unsettled by new
ideas, and the student of a modern University who has been the subject
of a similar 'aufklarung.' We too observe that when young men begin to
criticise customary beliefs, or to analyse the constitution of human
nature, they are apt to lose hold of solid principle (Greek). They are
like trees which have been frequently transplanted. The earth about them
is loose, and they have no roots reaching far into the soil. They 'light
upon every flower,' following their own wayward wills, or because the
wind blows them. They catch opinions, as diseases are caught--when
they are in the air. Borne hither and thither, 'they speedily fall
into beliefs' the opposite of those in which they were brought up. They
hardly retain the distinction of right and wrong; they seem to think one
thing as good as another. They suppose themselves to be searching after
truth when they are playing the game of 'follow my leader.' They fall
in love 'at first sight' with paradoxes respecting morality, some fancy
about art, some novelty or eccentricity in religion, and like lovers
they are so absorbed for a time in their new notion that they can think
of nothing else. The resolution of some philosophical or theological
question seems to them more interesting and important than any
substantial knowledge of literature or science or even than a good life.
Like the youth in the Philebus, they are ready to discourse to any one
about a new philosophy. They are generally the disciples of some eminent
professor or sophist, whom they rather imitate than understand. They may
be counted happy if in later years they retain some of the simple truths
which they acquired in early education, and which they may, perhaps,
find to be worth all the rest. Such is the picture which Plato draws and
which we only reproduce, partly in his own words, of the dangers which
beset youth in times of transition, when old opinions are fading
away and the new are not yet firmly established. Their condition is
ingeniously compared by him to that of a supposititious son, who has
made the discovery that his reputed parents are not his real ones, and,
in consequence, they have lost their authority over him.

The distinction between the mathematician and the dialectician is
also noticeable. Plato is very well aware that the faculty of the
mathematician is quite distinct from the higher philosophical sense
which recognizes and combines first principles. The contempt which
he expresses for distinctions of words, the danger of involuntary
falsehood, the apology which Socrates makes for his earnestness of
speech, are highly characteristic of the Platonic style and mode of
thought. The quaint notion that if Palamedes was the inventor of number
Agamemnon could not have counted his feet; the art by which we are made
to believe that this State of ours is not a dream only; the gravity
with which the first step is taken in the actual creation of the State,
namely, the sending out of the city all who had arrived at ten years of
age, in order to expedite the business of education by a generation, are
also truly Platonic. (For the last, compare the passage at the end of
the third book, in which he expects the lie about the earthborn men to
be believed in the second generation.)

BOOK VIII. And so we have arrived at the conclusion, that in the perfect
State wives and children are to be in common; and the education and
pursuits of men and women, both in war and peace, are to be common, and
kings are to be philosophers and warriors, and the soldiers of the State
are to live together, having all things in common; and they are to be
warrior athletes, receiving no pay but only their food, from the other
citizens. Now let us return to the point at which we digressed. 'That is
easily done,' he replied: 'You were speaking of the State which you had
constructed, and of the individual who answered to this, both of whom
you affirmed to be good; and you said that of inferior States there were
four forms and four individuals corresponding to them, which although
deficient in various degrees, were all of them worth inspecting with
a view to determining the relative happiness or misery of the best or
worst man. Then Polemarchus and Adeimantus interrupted you, and this led
to another argument,--and so here we are.' Suppose that we put ourselves
again in the same position, and do you repeat your question. 'I should
like to know of what constitutions you were speaking?' Besides the
perfect State there are only four of any note in Hellas:--first, the
famous Lacedaemonian or Cretan commonwealth; secondly, oligarchy, a
State full of evils; thirdly, democracy, which follows next in order;
fourthly, tyranny, which is the disease or death of all government.
Now, States are not made of 'oak and rock,' but of flesh and blood; and
therefore as there are five States there must be five human natures in
individuals, which correspond to them. And first, there is the ambitious
nature, which answers to the Lacedaemonian State; secondly, the
oligarchical nature; thirdly, the democratical; and fourthly, the
tyrannical. This last will have to be compared with the perfectly just,
which is the fifth, that we may know which is the happier, and then we
shall be able to determine whether the argument of Thrasymachus or our
own is the more convincing. And as before we began with the State and
went on to the individual, so now, beginning with timocracy, let us
go on to the timocratical man, and then proceed to the other forms of
government, and the individuals who answer to them.

But how did timocracy arise out of the perfect State? Plainly, like
all changes of government, from division in the rulers. But whence came
division? 'Sing, heavenly Muses,' as Homer says;--let them condescend to
answer us, as if we were children, to whom they put on a solemn face
in jest. 'And what will they say?' They will say that human things are
fated to decay, and even the perfect State will not escape from this
law of destiny, when 'the wheel comes full circle' in a period short or
long. Plants or animals have times of fertility and sterility, which the
intelligence of rulers because alloyed by sense will not enable them to
ascertain, and children will be born out of season. For whereas divine
creations are in a perfect cycle or number, the human creation is in
a number which declines from perfection, and has four terms and three
intervals of numbers, increasing, waning, assimilating, dissimilating,
and yet perfectly commensurate with each other. The base of the number
with a fourth added (or which is 3:4), multiplied by five and cubed,
gives two harmonies:--the first a square number, which is a hundred
times the base (or a hundred times a hundred); the second, an oblong,
being a hundred squares of the rational diameter of a figure the side of
which is five, subtracting one from each square or two perfect squares
from all, and adding a hundred cubes of three. This entire number is
geometrical and contains the rule or law of generation. When this law is
neglected marriages will be unpropitious; the inferior offspring who are
then born will in time become the rulers; the State will decline, and
education fall into decay; gymnastic will be preferred to music, and
the gold and silver and brass and iron will form a chaotic mass--thus
division will arise. Such is the Muses' answer to our question. 'And a
true answer, of course:--but what more have they to say?' They say that
the two races, the iron and brass, and the silver and gold, will draw
the State different ways;--the one will take to trade and moneymaking,
and the others, having the true riches and not caring for money, will
resist them: the contest will end in a compromise; they will agree to
have private property, and will enslave their fellow-citizens who were
once their friends and nurturers. But they will retain their warlike
character, and will be chiefly occupied in fighting and exercising rule.
Thus arises timocracy, which is intermediate between aristocracy and
oligarchy.

The new form of government resembles the ideal in obedience to rulers
and contempt for trade, and having common meals, and in devotion
to warlike and gymnastic exercises. But corruption has crept into
philosophy, and simplicity of character, which was once her note, is now
looked for only in the military class. Arts of war begin to prevail over
arts of peace; the ruler is no longer a philosopher; as in oligarchies,
there springs up among them an extravagant love of gain--get another
man's and save your own, is their principle; and they have dark places
in which they hoard their gold and silver, for the use of their women
and others; they take their pleasures by stealth, like boys who are
running away from their father--the law; and their education is not
inspired by the Muse, but imposed by the strong arm of power. The
leading characteristic of this State is party spirit and ambition.

And what manner of man answers to such a State? 'In love of contention,'
replied Adeimantus, 'he will be like our friend Glaucon.' In that
respect, perhaps, but not in others. He is self-asserting and
ill-educated, yet fond of literature, although not himself a
speaker,--fierce with slaves, but obedient to rulers, a lover of power
and honour, which he hopes to gain by deeds of arms,--fond, too, of
gymnastics and of hunting. As he advances in years he grows avaricious,
for he has lost philosophy, which is the only saviour and guardian of
men. His origin is as follows:--His father is a good man dwelling in an
ill-ordered State, who has retired from politics in order that he may
lead a quiet life. His mother is angry at her loss of precedence among
other women; she is disgusted at her husband's selfishness, and she
expatiates to her son on the unmanliness and indolence of his father.
The old family servant takes up the tale, and says to the youth:--'When
you grow up you must be more of a man than your father.' All the world
are agreed that he who minds his own business is an idiot, while a
busybody is highly honoured and esteemed. The young man compares this
spirit with his father's words and ways, and as he is naturally well
disposed, although he has suffered from evil influences, he rests at a
middle point and becomes ambitious and a lover of honour.

And now let us set another city over against another man. The next form
of government is oligarchy, in which the rule is of the rich only; nor
is it difficult to see how such a State arises. The decline begins with
the possession of gold and silver; illegal modes of expenditure are
invented; one draws another on, and the multitude are infected; riches
outweigh virtue; lovers of money take the place of lovers of honour;
misers of politicians; and, in time, political privileges are confined
by law to the rich, who do not shrink from violence in order to effect
their purposes.

Thus much of the origin,--let us next consider the evils of oligarchy.
Would a man who wanted to be safe on a voyage take a bad pilot because
he was rich, or refuse a good one because he was poor? And does not the
analogy apply still more to the State? And there are yet greater evils:
two nations are struggling together in one--the rich and the poor; and
the rich dare not put arms into the hands of the poor, and are unwilling
to pay for defenders out of their own money. And have we not already
condemned that State in which the same persons are warriors as well
as shopkeepers? The greatest evil of all is that a man may sell his
property and have no place in the State; while there is one class which
has enormous wealth, the other is entirely destitute. But observe that
these destitutes had not really any more of the governing nature in them
when they were rich than now that they are poor; they were miserable
spendthrifts always. They are the drones of the hive; only whereas the
actual drone is unprovided by nature with a sting, the two-legged things
whom we call drones are some of them without stings and some of them
have dreadful stings; in other words, there are paupers and there are
rogues. These are never far apart; and in oligarchical cities, where
nearly everybody is a pauper who is not a ruler, you will find abundance
of both. And this evil state of society originates in bad education and
bad government.

Like State, like man,--the change in the latter begins with the
representative of timocracy; he walks at first in the ways of his
father, who may have been a statesman, or general, perhaps; and
presently he sees him 'fallen from his high estate,' the victim of
informers, dying in prison or exile, or by the hand of the executioner.
The lesson which he thus receives, makes him cautious; he leaves
politics, represses his pride, and saves pence. Avarice is enthroned as
his bosom's lord, and assumes the style of the Great King; the rational
and spirited elements sit humbly on the ground at either side, the one
immersed in calculation, the other absorbed in the admiration of
wealth. The love of honour turns to love of money; the conversion
is instantaneous. The man is mean, saving, toiling, the slave of one
passion which is the master of the rest: Is he not the very image of the
State? He has had no education, or he would never have allowed the blind
god of riches to lead the dance within him. And being uneducated he will
have many slavish desires, some beggarly, some knavish, breeding in his
soul. If he is the trustee of an orphan, and has the power to defraud,
he will soon prove that he is not without the will, and that his
passions are only restrained by fear and not by reason. Hence he leads a
divided existence; in which the better desires mostly prevail. But when
he is contending for prizes and other distinctions, he is afraid to
incur a loss which is to be repaid only by barren honour; in time of
war he fights with a small part of his resources, and usually keeps his
money and loses the victory.

Next comes democracy and the democratic man, out of oligarchy and
the oligarchical man. Insatiable avarice is the ruling passion of an
oligarchy; and they encourage expensive habits in order that they may
gain by the ruin of extravagant youth. Thus men of family often lose
their property or rights of citizenship; but they remain in the city,
full of hatred against the new owners of their estates and ripe for
revolution. The usurer with stooping walk pretends not to see them;
he passes by, and leaves his sting--that is, his money--in some other
victim; and many a man has to pay the parent or principal sum multiplied
into a family of children, and is reduced into a state of dronage by
him. The only way of diminishing the evil is either to limit a man in
his use of his property, or to insist that he shall lend at his own
risk. But the ruling class do not want remedies; they care only for
money, and are as careless of virtue as the poorest of the citizens.
Now there are occasions on which the governors and the governed meet
together,--at festivals, on a journey, voyaging or fighting. The sturdy
pauper finds that in the hour of danger he is not despised; he sees
the rich man puffing and panting, and draws the conclusion which he
privately imparts to his companions,--'that our people are not good for
much;' and as a sickly frame is made ill by a mere touch from without,
or sometimes without external impulse is ready to fall to pieces of
itself, so from the least cause, or with none at all, the city falls ill
and fights a battle for life or death. And democracy comes into power
when the poor are the victors, killing some and exiling some, and giving
equal shares in the government to all the rest.

The manner of life in such a State is that of democrats; there is
freedom and plainness of speech, and every man does what is right in
his own eyes, and has his own way of life. Hence arise the most various
developments of character; the State is like a piece of embroidery of
which the colours and figures are the manners of men, and there are many
who, like women and children, prefer this variety to real beauty and
excellence. The State is not one but many, like a bazaar at which you
can buy anything. The great charm is, that you may do as you like; you
may govern if you like, let it alone if you like; go to war and make
peace if you feel disposed, and all quite irrespective of anybody
else. When you condemn men to death they remain alive all the same; a
gentleman is desired to go into exile, and he stalks about the streets
like a hero; and nobody sees him or cares for him. Observe, too,
how grandly Democracy sets her foot upon all our fine theories of
education,--how little she cares for the training of her statesmen! The
only qualification which she demands is the profession of patriotism.
Such is democracy;--a pleasing, lawless, various sort of government,
distributing equality to equals and unequals alike.

Let us now inspect the individual democrat; and first, as in the case
of the State, we will trace his antecedents. He is the son of a miserly
oligarch, and has been taught by him to restrain the love of unnecessary
pleasures. Perhaps I ought to explain this latter term:--Necessary
pleasures are those which are good, and which we cannot do without;
unnecessary pleasures are those which do no good, and of which the
desire might be eradicated by early training. For example, the pleasures
of eating and drinking are necessary and healthy, up to a certain point;
beyond that point they are alike hurtful to body and mind, and the
excess may be avoided. When in excess, they may be rightly called
expensive pleasures, in opposition to the useful ones. And the drone, as
we called him, is the slave of these unnecessary pleasures and desires,
whereas the miserly oligarch is subject only to the necessary.

The oligarch changes into the democrat in the following manner:--The
youth who has had a miserly bringing up, gets a taste of the drone's
honey; he meets with wild companions, who introduce him to every new
pleasure. As in the State, so in the individual, there are allies on
both sides, temptations from without and passions from within; there is
reason also and external influences of parents and friends in alliance
with the oligarchical principle; and the two factions are in violent
conflict with one another. Sometimes the party of order prevails, but
then again new desires and new disorders arise, and the whole mob of
passions gets possession of the Acropolis, that is to say, the soul,
which they find void and unguarded by true words and works. Falsehoods
and illusions ascend to take their place; the prodigal goes back into
the country of the Lotophagi or drones, and openly dwells there. And if
any offer of alliance or parley of individual elders comes from home,
the false spirits shut the gates of the castle and permit no one to
enter,--there is a battle, and they gain the victory; and straightway
making alliance with the desires, they banish modesty, which they call
folly, and send temperance over the border. When the house has been
swept and garnished, they dress up the exiled vices, and, crowning them
with garlands, bring them back under new names. Insolence they call good
breeding, anarchy freedom, waste magnificence, impudence courage. Such
is the process by which the youth passes from the necessary pleasures to
the unnecessary. After a while he divides his time impartially between
them; and perhaps, when he gets older and the violence of passion
has abated, he restores some of the exiles and lives in a sort of
equilibrium, indulging first one pleasure and then another; and if
reason comes and tells him that some pleasures are good and honourable,
and others bad and vile, he shakes his head and says that he can make
no distinction between them. Thus he lives in the fancy of the hour;
sometimes he takes to drink, and then he turns abstainer; he practises
in the gymnasium or he does nothing at all; then again he would be a
philosopher or a politician; or again, he would be a warrior or a man of
business; he is

   'Every thing by starts and nothing long.'

There remains still the finest and fairest of all men and all
States--tyranny and the tyrant. Tyranny springs from democracy much as
democracy springs from oligarchy. Both arise from excess; the one from
excess of wealth, the other from excess of freedom. 'The great natural
good of life,' says the democrat, 'is freedom.' And this exclusive love
of freedom and regardlessness of everything else, is the cause of the
change from democracy to tyranny. The State demands the strong wine of
freedom, and unless her rulers give her a plentiful draught, punishes
and insults them; equality and fraternity of governors and governed is
the approved principle. Anarchy is the law, not of the State only, but
of private houses, and extends even to the animals. Father and son,
citizen and foreigner, teacher and pupil, old and young, are all on a
level; fathers and teachers fear their sons and pupils, and the wisdom
of the young man is a match for the elder, and the old imitate the
jaunty manners of the young because they are afraid of being thought
morose. Slaves are on a level with their masters and mistresses, and
there is no difference between men and women. Nay, the very animals in
a democratic State have a freedom which is unknown in other places. The
she-dogs are as good as their she-mistresses, and horses and asses march
along with dignity and run their noses against anybody who comes in
their way. 'That has often been my experience.' At last the citizens
become so sensitive that they cannot endure the yoke of laws, written or
unwritten; they would have no man call himself their master. Such is the
glorious beginning of things out of which tyranny springs. 'Glorious,
indeed; but what is to follow?' The ruin of oligarchy is the ruin of
democracy; for there is a law of contraries; the excess of freedom
passes into the excess of slavery, and the greater the freedom the
greater the slavery. You will remember that in the oligarchy were found
two classes--rogues and paupers, whom we compared to drones with and
without stings. These two classes are to the State what phlegm and bile
are to the human body; and the State-physician, or legislator, must get
rid of them, just as the bee-master keeps the drones out of the hive.
Now in a democracy, too, there are drones, but they are more numerous
and more dangerous than in the oligarchy; there they are inert and
unpractised, here they are full of life and animation; and the keener
sort speak and act, while the others buzz about the bema and prevent
their opponents from being heard. And there is another class in
democratic States, of respectable, thriving individuals, who can be
squeezed when the drones have need of their possessions; there is
moreover a third class, who are the labourers and the artisans, and
they make up the mass of the people. When the people meet, they
are omnipotent, but they cannot be brought together unless they are
attracted by a little honey; and the rich are made to supply the honey,
of which the demagogues keep the greater part themselves, giving a taste
only to the mob. Their victims attempt to resist; they are driven mad
by the stings of the drones, and so become downright oligarchs in
self-defence. Then follow informations and convictions for treason. The
people have some protector whom they nurse into greatness, and from this
root the tree of tyranny springs. The nature of the change is indicated
in the old fable of the temple of Zeus Lycaeus, which tells how he who
tastes human flesh mixed up with the flesh of other victims will turn
into a wolf. Even so the protector, who tastes human blood, and slays
some and exiles others with or without law, who hints at abolition of
debts and division of lands, must either perish or become a wolf--that
is, a tyrant. Perhaps he is driven out, but he soon comes back from
exile; and then if his enemies cannot get rid of him by lawful means,
they plot his assassination. Thereupon the friend of the people makes
his well-known request to them for a body-guard, which they readily
grant, thinking only of his danger and not of their own. Now let the
rich man make to himself wings, for he will never run away again if he
does not do so then. And the Great Protector, having crushed all his
rivals, stands proudly erect in the chariot of State, a full-blown
tyrant: Let us enquire into the nature of his happiness.

In the early days of his tyranny he smiles and beams upon everybody; he
is not a 'dominus,' no, not he: he has only come to put an end to debt
and the monopoly of land. Having got rid of foreign enemies, he makes
himself necessary to the State by always going to war. He is thus
enabled to depress the poor by heavy taxes, and so keep them at work;
and he can get rid of bolder spirits by handing them over to the enemy.
Then comes unpopularity; some of his old associates have the courage to
oppose him. The consequence is, that he has to make a purgation of the
State; but, unlike the physician who purges away the bad, he must get
rid of the high-spirited, the wise and the wealthy; for he has no choice
between death and a life of shame and dishonour. And the more hated he
is, the more he will require trusty guards; but how will he obtain them?
'They will come flocking like birds--for pay.' Will he not rather obtain
them on the spot? He will take the slaves from their owners and make
them his body-guard; these are his trusted friends, who admire and
look up to him. Are not the tragic poets wise who magnify and exalt the
tyrant, and say that he is wise by association with the wise? And are
not their praises of tyranny alone a sufficient reason why we should
exclude them from our State? They may go to other cities, and gather the
mob about them with fine words, and change commonwealths into tyrannies
and democracies, receiving honours and rewards for their services; but
the higher they and their friends ascend constitution hill, the more
their honour will fail and become 'too asthmatic to mount.' To return to
the tyrant--How will he support that rare army of his? First, by robbing
the temples of their treasures, which will enable him to lighten the
taxes; then he will take all his father's property, and spend it on
his companions, male or female. Now his father is the demus, and if the
demus gets angry, and says that a great hulking son ought not to be a
burden on his parents, and bids him and his riotous crew begone, then
will the parent know what a monster he has been nurturing, and that the
son whom he would fain expel is too strong for him. 'You do not mean to
say that he will beat his father?' Yes, he will, after having taken away
his arms. 'Then he is a parricide and a cruel, unnatural son.' And the
people have jumped from the fear of slavery into slavery, out of the
smoke into the fire. Thus liberty, when out of all order and reason,
passes into the worst form of servitude...

In the previous books Plato has described the ideal State; now he
returns to the perverted or declining forms, on which he had lightly
touched at the end of Book IV. These he describes in a succession of
parallels between the individuals and the States, tracing the origin of
either in the State or individual which has preceded them. He begins
by asking the point at which he digressed; and is thus led shortly to
recapitulate the substance of the three former books, which also contain
a parallel of the philosopher and the State.

Of the first decline he gives no intelligible account; he would not have
liked to admit the most probable causes of the fall of his ideal State,
which to us would appear to be the impracticability of communism or the
natural antagonism of the ruling and subject classes. He throws a
veil of mystery over the origin of the decline, which he attributes to
ignorance of the law of population. Of this law the famous geometrical
figure or number is the expression. Like the ancients in general, he had
no idea of the gradual perfectibility of man or of the education of the
human race. His ideal was not to be attained in the course of ages, but
was to spring in full armour from the head of the legislator. When good
laws had been given, he thought only of the manner in which they were
likely to be corrupted, or of how they might be filled up in detail or
restored in accordance with their original spirit. He appears not to
have reflected upon the full meaning of his own words, 'In the brief
space of human life, nothing great can be accomplished'; or again, as he
afterwards says in the Laws, 'Infinite time is the maker of cities.' The
order of constitutions which is adopted by him represents an order of
thought rather than a succession of time, and may be considered as the
first attempt to frame a philosophy of history.

The first of these declining States is timocracy, or the government of
soldiers and lovers of honour, which answers to the Spartan State; this
is a government of force, in which education is not inspired by the
Muses, but imposed by the law, and in which all the finer elements of
organization have disappeared. The philosopher himself has lost the
love of truth, and the soldier, who is of a simpler and honester nature,
rules in his stead. The individual who answers to timocracy has some
noticeable qualities. He is described as ill educated, but, like the
Spartan, a lover of literature; and although he is a harsh master to his
servants he has no natural superiority over them. His character is
based upon a reaction against the circumstances of his father, who in
a troubled city has retired from politics; and his mother, who is
dissatisfied at her own position, is always urging him towards the life
of political ambition. Such a character may have had this origin, and
indeed Livy attributes the Licinian laws to a feminine jealousy of a
similar kind. But there is obviously no connection between the manner
in which the timocratic State springs out of the ideal, and the mere
accident by which the timocratic man is the son of a retired statesman.

The two next stages in the decline of constitutions have even less
historical foundation. For there is no trace in Greek history of a
polity like the Spartan or Cretan passing into an oligarchy of wealth,
or of the oligarchy of wealth passing into a democracy. The order of
history appears to be different; first, in the Homeric times there is
the royal or patriarchal form of government, which a century or two
later was succeeded by an oligarchy of birth rather than of wealth, and
in which wealth was only the accident of the hereditary possession of
land and power. Sometimes this oligarchical government gave way to a
government based upon a qualification of property, which, according to
Aristotle's mode of using words, would have been called a timocracy;
and this in some cities, as at Athens, became the conducting medium to
democracy. But such was not the necessary order of succession in States;
nor, indeed, can any order be discerned in the endless fluctuation of
Greek history (like the tides in the Euripus), except, perhaps, in the
almost uniform tendency from monarchy to aristocracy in the earliest
times. At first sight there appears to be a similar inversion in the
last step of the Platonic succession; for tyranny, instead of being the
natural end of democracy, in early Greek history appears rather as a
stage leading to democracy; the reign of Peisistratus and his sons is
an episode which comes between the legislation of Solon and the
constitution of Cleisthenes; and some secret cause common to them all
seems to have led the greater part of Hellas at her first appearance
in the dawn of history, e.g. Athens, Argos, Corinth, Sicyon, and nearly
every State with the exception of Sparta, through a similar stage of
tyranny which ended either in oligarchy or democracy. But then we must
remember that Plato is describing rather the contemporary governments
of the Sicilian States, which alternated between democracy and tyranny,
than the ancient history of Athens or Corinth.

The portrait of the tyrant himself is just such as the later Greek
delighted to draw of Phalaris and Dionysius, in which, as in the lives
of mediaeval saints or mythic heroes, the conduct and actions of one
were attributed to another in order to fill up the outline. There was
no enormity which the Greek was not today to believe of them; the tyrant
was the negation of government and law; his assassination was glorious;
there was no crime, however unnatural, which might not with probability
be attributed to him. In this, Plato was only following the common
thought of his countrymen, which he embellished and exaggerated with all
the power of his genius. There is no need to suppose that he drew
from life; or that his knowledge of tyrants is derived from a personal
acquaintance with Dionysius. The manner in which he speaks of them would
rather tend to render doubtful his ever having 'consorted' with them, or
entertained the schemes, which are attributed to him in the Epistles, of
regenerating Sicily by their help.

Plato in a hyperbolical and serio-comic vein exaggerates the follies of
democracy which he also sees reflected in social life. To him democracy
is a state of individualism or dissolution; in which every one is doing
what is right in his own eyes. Of a people animated by a common spirit
of liberty, rising as one man to repel the Persian host, which is the
leading idea of democracy in Herodotus and Thucydides, he never seems to
think. But if he is not a believer in liberty, still less is he a lover
of tyranny. His deeper and more serious condemnation is reserved for the
tyrant, who is the ideal of wickedness and also of weakness, and who
in his utter helplessness and suspiciousness is leading an almost
impossible existence, without that remnant of good which, in Plato's
opinion, was required to give power to evil (Book I). This ideal of
wickedness living in helpless misery, is the reverse of that other
portrait of perfect injustice ruling in happiness and splendour, which
first of all Thrasymachus, and afterwards the sons of Ariston had drawn,
and is also the reverse of the king whose rule of life is the good of
his subjects.

Each of these governments and individuals has a corresponding
ethical gradation: the ideal State is under the rule of reason, not
extinguishing but harmonizing the passions, and training them in virtue;
in the timocracy and the timocratic man the constitution, whether of the
State or of the individual, is based, first, upon courage, and secondly,
upon the love of honour; this latter virtue, which is hardly to be
esteemed a virtue, has superseded all the rest. In the second stage of
decline the virtues have altogether disappeared, and the love of gain
has succeeded to them; in the third stage, or democracy, the various
passions are allowed to have free play, and the virtues and vices are
impartially cultivated. But this freedom, which leads to many curious
extravagances of character, is in reality only a state of weakness and
dissipation. At last, one monster passion takes possession of the whole
nature of man--this is tyranny. In all of them excess--the excess first
of wealth and then of freedom, is the element of decay.

The eighth book of the Republic abounds in pictures of life and fanciful
allusions; the use of metaphorical language is carried to a greater
extent than anywhere else in Plato. We may remark,

(1), the description of the two nations in one, which become more and
more divided in the Greek Republics, as in feudal times, and perhaps
also in our own;

(2), the notion of democracy expressed in a sort of Pythagorean formula
as equality among unequals;

(3), the free and easy ways of men and animals, which are characteristic
of liberty, as foreign mercenaries and universal mistrust are of the
tyrant;

(4), the proposal that mere debts should not be recoverable by law is a
speculation which has often been entertained by reformers of the law
in modern times, and is in harmony with the tendencies of modern
legislation. Debt and land were the two great difficulties of the
ancient lawgiver: in modern times we may be said to have almost, if not
quite, solved the first of these difficulties, but hardly the second.

Still more remarkable are the corresponding portraits of individuals:
there is the family picture of the father and mother and the old servant
of the timocratical man, and the outward respectability and inherent
meanness of the oligarchical; the uncontrolled licence and freedom of
the democrat, in which the young Alcibiades seems to be depicted, doing
right or wrong as he pleases, and who at last, like the prodigal,
goes into a far country (note here the play of language by which the
democratic man is himself represented under the image of a State having
a citadel and receiving embassies); and there is the wild-beast nature,
which breaks loose in his successor. The hit about the tyrant being a
parricide; the representation of the tyrant's life as an obscene dream;
the rhetorical surprise of a more miserable than the most miserable of
men in Book IX; the hint to the poets that if they are the friends of
tyrants there is no place for them in a constitutional State, and that
they are too clever not to see the propriety of their own expulsion; the
continuous image of the drones who are of two kinds, swelling at last
into the monster drone having wings (Book IX),--are among Plato's
happiest touches.

There remains to be considered the great difficulty of this book of the
Republic, the so-called number of the State. This is a puzzle almost as
great as the Number of the Beast in the Book of Revelation, and though
apparently known to Aristotle, is referred to by Cicero as a proverb of
obscurity (Ep. ad Att.). And some have imagined that there is no answer
to the puzzle, and that Plato has been practising upon his readers.
But such a deception as this is inconsistent with the manner in which
Aristotle speaks of the number (Pol.), and would have been ridiculous to
any reader of the Republic who was acquainted with Greek mathematics.
As little reason is there for supposing that Plato intentionally used
obscure expressions; the obscurity arises from our want of familiarity
with the subject. On the other hand, Plato himself indicates that he is
not altogether serious, and in describing his number as a solemn jest of
the Muses, he appears to imply some degree of satire on the symbolical
use of number. (Compare Cratylus; Protag.)

Our hope of understanding the passage depends principally on an accurate
study of the words themselves; on which a faint light is thrown by the
parallel passage in the ninth book. Another help is the allusion in
Aristotle, who makes the important remark that the latter part of the
passage (Greek) describes a solid figure. (Pol.--'He only says that
nothing is abiding, but that all things change in a certain cycle; and
that the origin of the change is a base of numbers which are in the
ratio of 4:3; and this when combined with a figure of five gives two
harmonies; he means when the number of this figure becomes solid.')
Some further clue may be gathered from the appearance of the Pythagorean
triangle, which is denoted by the numbers 3, 4, 5, and in which, as in
every right-angled triangle, the squares of the two lesser sides equal
the square of the hypotenuse (9 + 16 = 25).

Plato begins by speaking of a perfect or cyclical number (Tim.), i.e.
a number in which the sum of the divisors equals the whole; this is the
divine or perfect number in which all lesser cycles or revolutions are
complete. He also speaks of a human or imperfect number, having four
terms and three intervals of numbers which are related to one another in
certain proportions; these he converts into figures, and finds in
them when they have been raised to the third power certain elements of
number, which give two 'harmonies,' the one square, the other oblong;
but he does not say that the square number answers to the divine, or the
oblong number to the human cycle; nor is any intimation given that the
first or divine number represents the period of the world, the second
the period of the state, or of the human race as Zeller supposes; nor
is the divine number afterwards mentioned (Arist.). The second is the
number of generations or births, and presides over them in the same
mysterious manner in which the stars preside over them, or in which,
according to the Pythagoreans, opportunity, justice, marriage, are
represented by some number or figure. This is probably the number 216.

The explanation given in the text supposes the two harmonies to make up
the number 8000. This explanation derives a certain plausibility from
the circumstance that 8000 is the ancient number of the Spartan citizens
(Herod.), and would be what Plato might have called 'a number which
nearly concerns the population of a city'; the mysterious disappearance
of the Spartan population may possibly have suggested to him the first
cause of his decline of States. The lesser or square 'harmony,' of 400,
might be a symbol of the guardians,--the larger or oblong 'harmony,'
of the people, and the numbers 3, 4, 5 might refer respectively to the
three orders in the State or parts of the soul, the four virtues, the
five forms of government. The harmony of the musical scale, which
is elsewhere used as a symbol of the harmony of the state, is also
indicated. For the numbers 3, 4, 5, which represent the sides of the
Pythagorean triangle, also denote the intervals of the scale.

The terms used in the statement of the problem may be explained as
follows. A perfect number (Greek), as already stated, is one which is
equal to the sum of its divisors. Thus 6, which is the first perfect or
cyclical number, = 1 + 2 + 3. The words (Greek), 'terms' or 'notes,' and
(Greek), 'intervals,' are applicable to music as well as to number and
figure. (Greek) is the 'base' on which the whole calculation depends,
or the 'lowest term' from which it can be worked out. The words (Greek)
have been variously translated--'squared and cubed' (Donaldson),
'equalling and equalled in power' (Weber), 'by involution and
evolution,' i.e. by raising the power and extracting the root (as in
the translation). Numbers are called 'like and unlike' (Greek) when the
factors or the sides of the planes and cubes which they represent are
or are not in the same ratio: e.g. 8 and 27 = 2 cubed and 3 cubed; and
conversely. 'Waxing' (Greek) numbers, called also 'increasing' (Greek),
are those which are exceeded by the sum of their divisors: e.g. 12
and 18 are less than 16 and 21. 'Waning' (Greek) numbers, called also
'decreasing' (Greek) are those which succeed the sum of their divisors:
e.g. 8 and 27 exceed 7 and 13. The words translated 'commensurable
and agreeable to one another' (Greek) seem to be different ways of
describing the same relation, with more or less precision. They are
equivalent to 'expressible in terms having the same relation to one
another,' like the series 8, 12, 18, 27, each of which numbers is in the
relation of (1 and 1/2) to the preceding. The 'base,' or 'fundamental
number, which has 1/3 added to it' (1 and 1/3) = 4/3 or a musical
fourth. (Greek) is a 'proportion' of numbers as of musical notes,
applied either to the parts or factors of a single number or to the
relation of one number to another. The first harmony is a 'square'
number (Greek); the second harmony is an 'oblong' number (Greek), i.e. a
number representing a figure of which the opposite sides only are
equal. (Greek) = 'numbers squared from' or 'upon diameters'; (Greek)
= 'rational,' i.e. omitting fractions, (Greek), 'irrational,' i.e.
including fractions; e.g. 49 is a square of the rational diameter of a
figure the side of which = 5: 50, of an irrational diameter of the same.
For several of the explanations here given and for a good deal besides
I am indebted to an excellent article on the Platonic Number by Dr.
Donaldson (Proc. of the Philol. Society).

The conclusions which he draws from these data are summed up by him as
follows. Having assumed that the number of the perfect or divine cycle
is the number of the world, and the number of the imperfect cycle the
number of the state, he proceeds: 'The period of the world is defined
by the perfect number 6, that of the state by the cube of that number
or 216, which is the product of the last pair of terms in the Platonic
Tetractys (a series of seven terms, 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 8, 27); and if
we take this as the basis of our computation, we shall have two cube
numbers (Greek), viz. 8 and 27; and the mean proportionals between
these, viz. 12 and 18, will furnish three intervals and four terms,
and these terms and intervals stand related to one another in the
sesqui-altera ratio, i.e. each term is to the preceding as 3/2. Now if
we remember that the number 216 = 8 x 27 = 3 cubed + 4 cubed + 5 cubed,
and 3 squared + 4 squared = 5 squared, we must admit that this
number implies the numbers 3, 4, 5, to which musicians attach so much
importance. And if we combine the ratio 4/3 with the number 5, or
multiply the ratios of the sides by the hypotenuse, we shall by first
squaring and then cubing obtain two expressions, which denote the ratio
of the two last pairs of terms in the Platonic Tetractys, the former
multiplied by the square, the latter by the cube of the number 10, the
sum of the first four digits which constitute the Platonic Tetractys.'
The two (Greek) he elsewhere explains as follows: 'The first (Greek) is
(Greek), in other words (4/3 x 5) all squared = 100 x 2 squared over 3
squared. The second (Greek), a cube of the same root, is described
as 100 multiplied (alpha) by the rational diameter of 5 diminished
by unity, i.e., as shown above, 48: (beta) by two incommensurable
diameters, i.e. the two first irrationals, or 2 and 3: and (gamma) by
the cube of 3, or 27. Thus we have (48 + 5 + 27) 100 = 1000 x 2 cubed.
This second harmony is to be the cube of the number of which the former
harmony is the square, and therefore must be divided by the cube of
3. In other words, the whole expression will be: (1), for the first
harmony, 400/9: (2), for the second harmony, 8000/27.'

The reasons which have inclined me to agree with Dr. Donaldson and also
with Schleiermacher in supposing that 216 is the Platonic number of
births are: (1) that it coincides with the description of the number
given in the first part of the passage (Greek...): (2) that the
number 216 with its permutations would have been familiar to a Greek
mathematician, though unfamiliar to us: (3) that 216 is the cube of
6, and also the sum of 3 cubed, 4 cubed, 5 cubed, the numbers 3, 4, 5
representing the Pythagorean triangle, of which the sides when squared
equal the square of the hypotenuse (9 + 16 = 25): (4) that it is also
the period of the Pythagorean Metempsychosis: (5) the three ultimate
terms or bases (3, 4, 5) of which 216 is composed answer to the third,
fourth, fifth in the musical scale: (6) that the number 216 is the
product of the cubes of 2 and 3, which are the two last terms in
the Platonic Tetractys: (7) that the Pythagorean triangle is said by
Plutarch (de Is. et Osir.), Proclus (super prima Eucl.), and Quintilian
(de Musica) to be contained in this passage, so that the tradition
of the school seems to point in the same direction: (8) that the
Pythagorean triangle is called also the figure of marriage (Greek).

But though agreeing with Dr. Donaldson thus far, I see no reason for
supposing, as he does, that the first or perfect number is the world,
the human or imperfect number the state; nor has he given any proof that
the second harmony is a cube. Nor do I think that (Greek) can mean
'two incommensurables,' which he arbitrarily assumes to be 2 and 3,
but rather, as the preceding clause implies, (Greek), i.e. two square
numbers based upon irrational diameters of a figure the side of which is
5 = 50 x 2.

The greatest objection to the translation is the sense given to the
words (Greek), 'a base of three with a third added to it, multiplied
by 5.' In this somewhat forced manner Plato introduces once more the
numbers of the Pythagorean triangle. But the coincidences in the numbers
which follow are in favour of the explanation. The first harmony of 400,
as has been already remarked, probably represents the rulers; the second
and oblong harmony of 7600, the people.

And here we take leave of the difficulty. The discovery of the riddle
would be useless, and would throw no light on ancient mathematics. The
point of interest is that Plato should have used such a symbol, and
that so much of the Pythagorean spirit should have prevailed in him. His
general meaning is that divine creation is perfect, and is represented
or presided over by a perfect or cyclical number; human generation is
imperfect, and represented or presided over by an imperfect number or
series of numbers. The number 5040, which is the number of the citizens
in the Laws, is expressly based by him on utilitarian grounds, namely,
the convenience of the number for division; it is also made up of
the first seven digits multiplied by one another. The contrast of the
perfect and imperfect number may have been easily suggested by the
corrections of the cycle, which were made first by Meton and secondly
by Callippus; (the latter is said to have been a pupil of Plato). Of the
degree of importance or of exactness to be attributed to the problem,
the number of the tyrant in Book IX (729 = 365 x 2), and the slight
correction of the error in the number 5040/12 (Laws), may furnish a
criterion. There is nothing surprising in the circumstance that those
who were seeking for order in nature and had found order in number,
should have imagined one to give law to the other. Plato believes in
a power of number far beyond what he could see realized in the world
around him, and he knows the great influence which 'the little matter
of 1, 2, 3' exercises upon education. He may even be thought to have a
prophetic anticipation of the discoveries of Quetelet and others, that
numbers depend upon numbers; e.g.--in population, the numbers of births
and the respective numbers of children born of either sex, on the
respective ages of parents, i.e. on other numbers.

BOOK IX. Last of all comes the tyrannical man, about whom we have to
enquire, Whence is he, and how does he live--in happiness or in misery?
There is, however, a previous question of the nature and number of
the appetites, which I should like to consider first. Some of them
are unlawful, and yet admit of being chastened and weakened in various
degrees by the power of reason and law. 'What appetites do you mean?' I
mean those which are awake when the reasoning powers are asleep, which
get up and walk about naked without any self-respect or shame; and there
is no conceivable folly or crime, however cruel or unnatural, of which,
in imagination, they may not be guilty. 'True,' he said; 'very true.'
But when a man's pulse beats temperately; and he has supped on a feast
of reason and come to a knowledge of himself before going to rest, and
has satisfied his desires just enough to prevent their perturbing his
reason, which remains clear and luminous, and when he is free from
quarrel and heat,--the visions which he has on his bed are least
irregular and abnormal. Even in good men there is such an irregular
wild-beast nature, which peers out in sleep.

To return:--You remember what was said of the democrat; that he was the
son of a miserly father, who encouraged the saving desires and repressed
the ornamental and expensive ones; presently the youth got into fine
company, and began to entertain a dislike to his father's narrow ways;
and being a better man than the corrupters of his youth, he came to a
mean, and led a life, not of lawless or slavish passion, but of regular
and successive indulgence. Now imagine that the youth has become a
father, and has a son who is exposed to the same temptations, and has
companions who lead him into every sort of iniquity, and parents and
friends who try to keep him right. The counsellors of evil find that
their only chance of retaining him is to implant in his soul a monster
drone, or love; while other desires buzz around him and mystify him with
sweet sounds and scents, this monster love takes possession of him,
and puts an end to every true or modest thought or wish. Love, like
drunkenness and madness, is a tyranny; and the tyrannical man, whether
made by nature or habit, is just a drinking, lusting, furious sort of
animal.

And how does such an one live? 'Nay, that you must tell me.' Well then,
I fancy that he will live amid revelries and harlotries, and love will
be the lord and master of the house. Many desires require much money,
and so he spends all that he has and borrows more; and when he has
nothing the young ravens are still in the nest in which they were
hatched, crying for food. Love urges them on; and they must be gratified
by force or fraud, or if not, they become painful and troublesome;
and as the new pleasures succeed the old ones, so will the son take
possession of the goods of his parents; if they show signs of refusing,
he will defraud and deceive them; and if they openly resist, what then?
'I can only say, that I should not much like to be in their place.'
But, O heavens, Adeimantus, to think that for some new-fangled and
unnecessary love he will give up his old father and mother, best and
dearest of friends, or enslave them to the fancies of the hour! Truly a
tyrannical son is a blessing to his father and mother! When there is no
more to be got out of them, he turns burglar or pickpocket, or robs a
temple. Love overmasters the thoughts of his youth, and he becomes
in sober reality the monster that he was sometimes in sleep. He waxes
strong in all violence and lawlessness; and is ready for any deed of
daring that will supply the wants of his rabble-rout. In a well-ordered
State there are only a few such, and these in time of war go out and
become the mercenaries of a tyrant. But in time of peace they stay
at home and do mischief; they are the thieves, footpads, cut-purses,
man-stealers of the community; or if they are able to speak, they turn
false-witnesses and informers. 'No small catalogue of crimes truly,
even if the perpetrators are few.' Yes, I said; but small and great are
relative terms, and no crimes which are committed by them approach those
of the tyrant, whom this class, growing strong and numerous, create out
of themselves. If the people yield, well and good, but, if they resist,
then, as before he beat his father and mother, so now he beats his
fatherland and motherland, and places his mercenaries over them. Such
men in their early days live with flatterers, and they themselves
flatter others, in order to gain their ends; but they soon discard their
followers when they have no longer any need of them; they are always
either masters or servants,--the joys of friendship are unknown to them.
And they are utterly treacherous and unjust, if the nature of justice be
at all understood by us. They realize our dream; and he who is the most
of a tyrant by nature, and leads the life of a tyrant for the longest
time, will be the worst of them, and being the worst of them, will also
be the most miserable.

Like man, like State,--the tyrannical man will answer to tyranny, which
is the extreme opposite of the royal State; for one is the best and the
other the worst. But which is the happier? Great and terrible as the
tyrant may appear enthroned amid his satellites, let us not be afraid to
go in and ask; and the answer is, that the monarchical is the happiest,
and the tyrannical the most miserable of States. And may we not ask the
same question about the men themselves, requesting some one to look into
them who is able to penetrate the inner nature of man, and will not be
panic-struck by the vain pomp of tyranny? I will suppose that he is one
who has lived with him, and has seen him in family life, or perhaps in
the hour of trouble and danger.

Assuming that we ourselves are the impartial judge for whom we seek, let
us begin by comparing the individual and State, and ask first of all,
whether the State is likely to be free or enslaved--Will there not be
a little freedom and a great deal of slavery? And the freedom is of the
bad, and the slavery of the good; and this applies to the man as well
as to the State; for his soul is full of meanness and slavery, and the
better part is enslaved to the worse. He cannot do what he would, and
his mind is full of confusion; he is the very reverse of a freeman. The
State will be poor and full of misery and sorrow; and the man's soul
will also be poor and full of sorrows, and he will be the most miserable
of men. No, not the most miserable, for there is yet a more miserable.
'Who is that?' The tyrannical man who has the misfortune also to become
a public tyrant. 'There I suspect that you are right.' Say rather, 'I
am sure;' conjecture is out of place in an enquiry of this nature. He
is like a wealthy owner of slaves, only he has more of them than
any private individual. You will say, 'The owners of slaves are not
generally in any fear of them.' But why? Because the whole city is in a
league which protects the individual. Suppose however that one of these
owners and his household is carried off by a god into a wilderness,
where there are no freemen to help him--will he not be in an agony of
terror?--will he not be compelled to flatter his slaves and to promise
them many things sore against his will? And suppose the same god who
carried him off were to surround him with neighbours who declare that no
man ought to have slaves, and that the owners of them should be punished
with death. 'Still worse and worse! He will be in the midst of his
enemies.' And is not our tyrant such a captive soul, who is tormented by
a swarm of passions which he cannot indulge; living indoors always like
a woman, and jealous of those who can go out and see the world?

Having so many evils, will not the most miserable of men be still more
miserable in a public station? Master of others when he is not master of
himself; like a sick man who is compelled to be an athlete; the meanest
of slaves and the most abject of flatterers; wanting all things, and
never able to satisfy his desires; always in fear and distraction,
like the State of which he is the representative. His jealous,
hateful, faithless temper grows worse with command; he is more and more
faithless, envious, unrighteous,--the most wretched of men, a misery
to himself and to others. And so let us have a final trial and
proclamation; need we hire a herald, or shall I proclaim the result?
'Made the proclamation yourself.' The son of Ariston (the best) is of
opinion that the best and justest of men is also the happiest, and that
this is he who is the most royal master of himself; and that the unjust
man is he who is the greatest tyrant of himself and of his State. And I
add further--'seen or unseen by gods or men.'

This is our first proof. The second is derived from the three kinds
of pleasure, which answer to the three elements of the soul--reason,
passion, desire; under which last is comprehended avarice as well as
sensual appetite, while passion includes ambition, party-feeling, love
of reputation. Reason, again, is solely directed to the attainment of
truth, and careless of money and reputation. In accordance with the
difference of men's natures, one of these three principles is in the
ascendant, and they have their several pleasures corresponding to them.
Interrogate now the three natures, and each one will be found praising
his own pleasures and depreciating those of others. The money-maker will
contrast the vanity of knowledge with the solid advantages of wealth.
The ambitious man will despise knowledge which brings no honour; whereas
the philosopher will regard only the fruition of truth, and will call
other pleasures necessary rather than good. Now, how shall we decide
between them? Is there any better criterion than experience and
knowledge? And which of the three has the truest knowledge and the
widest experience? The experience of youth makes the philosopher
acquainted with the two kinds of desire, but the avaricious and the
ambitious man never taste the pleasures of truth and wisdom. Honour he
has equally with them; they are 'judged of him,' but he is 'not judged
of them,' for they never attain to the knowledge of true being. And his
instrument is reason, whereas their standard is only wealth and honour;
and if by reason we are to judge, his good will be the truest. And so we
arrive at the result that the pleasure of the rational part of the soul,
and a life passed in such pleasure is the pleasantest. He who has a
right to judge judges thus. Next comes the life of ambition, and, in the
third place, that of money-making.

Twice has the just man overthrown the unjust--once more, as in an
Olympian contest, first offering up a prayer to the saviour Zeus, let
him try a fall. A wise man whispers to me that the pleasures of the wise
are true and pure; all others are a shadow only. Let us examine this:
Is not pleasure opposed to pain, and is there not a mean state which
is neither? When a man is sick, nothing is more pleasant to him than
health. But this he never found out while he was well. In pain he
desires only to cease from pain; on the other hand, when he is in an
ecstasy of pleasure, rest is painful to him. Thus rest or cessation
is both pleasure and pain. But can that which is neither become both?
Again, pleasure and pain are motions, and the absence of them is rest;
but if so, how can the absence of either of them be the other? Thus
we are led to infer that the contradiction is an appearance only, and
witchery of the senses. And these are not the only pleasures, for there
are others which have no preceding pains. Pure pleasure then is not the
absence of pain, nor pure pain the absence of pleasure; although most of
the pleasures which reach the mind through the body are reliefs of
pain, and have not only their reactions when they depart, but their
anticipations before they come. They can be best described in a simile.
There is in nature an upper, lower, and middle region, and he who passes
from the lower to the middle imagines that he is going up and is already
in the upper world; and if he were taken back again would think,
and truly think, that he was descending. All this arises out of his
ignorance of the true upper, middle, and lower regions. And a like
confusion happens with pleasure and pain, and with many other things.
The man who compares grey with black, calls grey white; and the man who
compares absence of pain with pain, calls the absence of pain pleasure.
Again, hunger and thirst are inanitions of the body, ignorance and folly
of the soul; and food is the satisfaction of the one, knowledge of the
other. Now which is the purer satisfaction--that of eating and drinking,
or that of knowledge? Consider the matter thus: The satisfaction of
that which has more existence is truer than of that which has less. The
invariable and immortal has a more real existence than the variable
and mortal, and has a corresponding measure of knowledge and truth. The
soul, again, has more existence and truth and knowledge than the body,
and is therefore more really satisfied and has a more natural pleasure.
Those who feast only on earthly food, are always going at random up
to the middle and down again; but they never pass into the true upper
world, or have a taste of true pleasure. They are like fatted beasts,
full of gluttony and sensuality, and ready to kill one another by reason
of their insatiable lust; for they are not filled with true being, and
their vessel is leaky (Gorgias). Their pleasures are mere shadows of
pleasure, mixed with pain, coloured and intensified by contrast,
and therefore intensely desired; and men go fighting about them, as
Stesichorus says that the Greeks fought about the shadow of Helen at
Troy, because they know not the truth.

The same may be said of the passionate element:--the desires of
the ambitious soul, as well as of the covetous, have an inferior
satisfaction. Only when under the guidance of reason do either of the
other principles do their own business or attain the pleasure which is
natural to them. When not attaining, they compel the other parts of the
soul to pursue a shadow of pleasure which is not theirs. And the more
distant they are from philosophy and reason, the more distant they will
be from law and order, and the more illusive will be their pleasures.
The desires of love and tyranny are the farthest from law, and those
of the king are nearest to it. There is one genuine pleasure, and two
spurious ones: the tyrant goes beyond even the latter; he has run away
altogether from law and reason. Nor can the measure of his inferiority
be told, except in a figure. The tyrant is the third removed from the
oligarch, and has therefore, not a shadow of his pleasure, but the
shadow of a shadow only. The oligarch, again, is thrice removed from
the king, and thus we get the formula 3 x 3, which is the number of a
surface, representing the shadow which is the tyrant's pleasure, and
if you like to cube this 'number of the beast,' you will find that the
measure of the difference amounts to 729; the king is 729 times more
happy than the tyrant. And this extraordinary number is NEARLY equal
to the number of days and nights in a year (365 x 2 = 730); and is
therefore concerned with human life. This is the interval between a good
and bad man in happiness only: what must be the difference between them
in comeliness of life and virtue!

Perhaps you may remember some one saying at the beginning of our
discussion that the unjust man was profited if he had the reputation of
justice. Now that we know the nature of justice and injustice, let us
make an image of the soul, which will personify his words. First of all,
fashion a multitudinous beast, having a ring of heads of all manner of
animals, tame and wild, and able to produce and change them at pleasure.
Suppose now another form of a lion, and another of a man; the second
smaller than the first, the third than the second; join them together
and cover them with a human skin, in which they are completely
concealed. When this has been done, let us tell the supporter of
injustice that he is feeding up the beasts and starving the man. The
maintainer of justice, on the other hand, is trying to strengthen the
man; he is nourishing the gentle principle within him, and making an
alliance with the lion heart, in order that he may be able to keep down
the many-headed hydra, and bring all into unity with each other and
with themselves. Thus in every point of view, whether in relation to
pleasure, honour, or advantage, the just man is right, and the unjust
wrong.

But now, let us reason with the unjust, who is not intentionally in
error. Is not the noble that which subjects the beast to the man, or
rather to the God in man; the ignoble, that which subjects the man to
the beast? And if so, who would receive gold on condition that he was to
degrade the noblest part of himself under the worst?--who would sell his
son or daughter into the hands of brutal and evil men, for any amount
of money? And will he sell his own fairer and diviner part without any
compunction to the most godless and foul? Would he not be worse than
Eriphyle, who sold her husband's life for a necklace? And intemperance
is the letting loose of the multiform monster, and pride and sullenness
are the growth and increase of the lion and serpent element, while
luxury and effeminacy are caused by a too great relaxation of spirit.
Flattery and meanness again arise when the spirited element is subjected
to avarice, and the lion is habituated to become a monkey. The real
disgrace of handicraft arts is, that those who are engaged in them have
to flatter, instead of mastering their desires; therefore we say that
they should be placed under the control of the better principle in
another because they have none in themselves; not, as Thrasymachus
imagined, to the injury of the subjects, but for their good. And our
intention in educating the young, is to give them self-control; the
law desires to nurse up in them a higher principle, and when they have
acquired this, they may go their ways.

'What, then, shall a man profit, if he gain the whole world' and become
more and more wicked? Or what shall he profit by escaping discovery, if
the concealment of evil prevents the cure? If he had been punished,
the brute within him would have been silenced, and the gentler element
liberated; and he would have united temperance, justice, and wisdom in
his soul--a union better far than any combination of bodily gifts. The
man of understanding will honour knowledge above all; in the next
place he will keep under his body, not only for the sake of health and
strength, but in order to attain the most perfect harmony of body
and soul. In the acquisition of riches, too, he will aim at order and
harmony; he will not desire to heap up wealth without measure, but he
will fear that the increase of wealth will disturb the constitution of
his own soul. For the same reason he will only accept such honours as
will make him a better man; any others he will decline. 'In that case,'
said he, 'he will never be a politician.' Yes, but he will, in his own
city; though probably not in his native country, unless by some divine
accident. 'You mean that he will be a citizen of the ideal city, which
has no place upon earth.' But in heaven, I replied, there is a pattern
of such a city, and he who wishes may order his life after that image.
Whether such a state is or ever will be matters not; he will act
according to that pattern and no other...

The most noticeable points in the 9th Book of the Republic are:--(1) the
account of pleasure; (2) the number of the interval which divides the
king from the tyrant; (3) the pattern which is in heaven.

1. Plato's account of pleasure is remarkable for moderation, and in
this respect contrasts with the later Platonists and the views which are
attributed to them by Aristotle. He is not, like the Cynics, opposed
to all pleasure, but rather desires that the several parts of the
soul shall have their natural satisfaction; he even agrees with the
Epicureans in describing pleasure as something more than the absence of
pain. This is proved by the circumstance that there are pleasures which
have no antecedent pains (as he also remarks in the Philebus), such as
the pleasures of smell, and also the pleasures of hope and anticipation.
In the previous book he had made the distinction between necessary
and unnecessary pleasure, which is repeated by Aristotle, and he now
observes that there are a further class of 'wild beast' pleasures,
corresponding to Aristotle's (Greek). He dwells upon the relative and
unreal character of sensual pleasures and the illusion which arises out
of the contrast of pleasure and pain, pointing out the superiority of
the pleasures of reason, which are at rest, over the fleeting pleasures
of sense and emotion. The pre-eminence of royal pleasure is shown by
the fact that reason is able to form a judgment of the lower pleasures,
while the two lower parts of the soul are incapable of judging the
pleasures of reason. Thus, in his treatment of pleasure, as in many
other subjects, the philosophy of Plato is 'sawn up into quantities' by
Aristotle; the analysis which was originally made by him became in the
next generation the foundation of further technical distinctions. Both
in Plato and Aristotle we note the illusion under which the ancients
fell of regarding the transience of pleasure as a proof of its
unreality, and of confounding the permanence of the intellectual
pleasures with the unchangeableness of the knowledge from which they are
derived. Neither do we like to admit that the pleasures of knowledge,
though more elevating, are not more lasting than other pleasures,
and are almost equally dependent on the accidents of our bodily state
(Introduction to Philebus).

2. The number of the interval which separates the king from the tyrant,
and royal from tyrannical pleasures, is 729, the cube of 9. Which Plato
characteristically designates as a number concerned with human life,
because NEARLY equivalent to the number of days and nights in the
year. He is desirous of proclaiming that the interval between them is
immeasurable, and invents a formula to give expression to his idea.
Those who spoke of justice as a cube, of virtue as an art of measuring
(Prot.), saw no inappropriateness in conceiving the soul under the
figure of a line, or the pleasure of the tyrant as separated from the
pleasure of the king by the numerical interval of 729. And in modern
times we sometimes use metaphorically what Plato employed as a
philosophical formula. 'It is not easy to estimate the loss of the
tyrant, except perhaps in this way,' says Plato. So we might say, that
although the life of a good man is not to be compared to that of a bad
man, yet you may measure the difference between them by valuing one
minute of the one at an hour of the other ('One day in thy courts is
better than a thousand'), or you might say that 'there is an infinite
difference.' But this is not so much as saying, in homely phrase, 'They
are a thousand miles asunder.' And accordingly Plato finds the natural
vehicle of his thoughts in a progression of numbers; this arithmetical
formula he draws out with the utmost seriousness, and both here and in
the number of generation seems to find an additional proof of the truth
of his speculation in forming the number into a geometrical figure; just
as persons in our own day are apt to fancy that a statement is verified
when it has been only thrown into an abstract form. In speaking of the
number 729 as proper to human life, he probably intended to intimate
that one year of the tyrannical = 12 hours of the royal life.

The simple observation that the comparison of two similar solids
is effected by the comparison of the cubes of their sides, is the
mathematical groundwork of this fanciful expression. There is some
difficulty in explaining the steps by which the number 729 is obtained;
the oligarch is removed in the third degree from the royal and
aristocratical, and the tyrant in the third degree from the
oligarchical; but we have to arrange the terms as the sides of a square
and to count the oligarch twice over, thus reckoning them not as = 5 but
as = 9. The square of 9 is passed lightly over as only a step towards
the cube.

3. Towards the close of the Republic, Plato seems to be more and more
convinced of the ideal character of his own speculations. At the end of
the 9th Book the pattern which is in heaven takes the place of the
city of philosophers on earth. The vision which has received form and
substance at his hands, is now discovered to be at a distance. And yet
this distant kingdom is also the rule of man's life. ('Say not lo! here,
or lo! there, for the kingdom of God is within you.') Thus a note
is struck which prepares for the revelation of a future life in the
following Book. But the future life is present still; the ideal of
politics is to be realized in the individual.

BOOK X. Many things pleased me in the order of our State, but there
was nothing which I liked better than the regulation about poetry. The
division of the soul throws a new light on our exclusion of imitation.
I do not mind telling you in confidence that all poetry is an outrage on
the understanding, unless the hearers have that balm of knowledge which
heals error. I have loved Homer ever since I was a boy, and even now
he appears to me to be the great master of tragic poetry. But much as
I love the man, I love truth more, and therefore I must speak out: and
first of all, will you explain what is imitation, for really I do not
understand? 'How likely then that I should understand!' That might very
well be, for the duller often sees better than the keener eye. 'True,
but in your presence I can hardly venture to say what I think.'
Then suppose that we begin in our old fashion, with the doctrine of
universals. Let us assume the existence of beds and tables. There is one
idea of a bed, or of a table, which the maker of each had in his mind
when making them; he did not make the ideas of beds and tables, but he
made beds and tables according to the ideas. And is there not a maker
of the works of all workmen, who makes not only vessels but plants and
animals, himself, the earth and heaven, and things in heaven and under
the earth? He makes the Gods also. 'He must be a wizard indeed!' But do
you not see that there is a sense in which you could do the same? You
have only to take a mirror, and catch the reflection of the sun, and the
earth, or anything else--there now you have made them. 'Yes, but only
in appearance.' Exactly so; and the painter is such a creator as you are
with the mirror, and he is even more unreal than the carpenter; although
neither the carpenter nor any other artist can be supposed to make the
absolute bed. 'Not if philosophers may be believed.' Nor need we wonder
that his bed has but an imperfect relation to the truth. Reflect:--Here
are three beds; one in nature, which is made by God; another, which is
made by the carpenter; and the third, by the painter. God only made one,
nor could he have made more than one; for if there had been two, there
would always have been a third--more absolute and abstract than either,
under which they would have been included. We may therefore conceive God
to be the natural maker of the bed, and in a lower sense the carpenter
is also the maker; but the painter is rather the imitator of what the
other two make; he has to do with a creation which is thrice removed
from reality. And the tragic poet is an imitator, and, like every
other imitator, is thrice removed from the king and from the truth.
The painter imitates not the original bed, but the bed made by the
carpenter. And this, without being really different, appears to be
different, and has many points of view, of which only one is caught by
the painter, who represents everything because he represents a piece of
everything, and that piece an image. And he can paint any other artist,
although he knows nothing of their arts; and this with sufficient skill
to deceive children or simple people. Suppose now that somebody came to
us and told us, how he had met a man who knew all that everybody knows,
and better than anybody:--should we not infer him to be a simpleton who,
having no discernment of truth and falsehood, had met with a wizard
or enchanter, whom he fancied to be all-wise? And when we hear persons
saying that Homer and the tragedians know all the arts and all the
virtues, must we not infer that they are under a similar delusion? they
do not see that the poets are imitators, and that their creations are
only imitations. 'Very true.' But if a person could create as well as
imitate, he would rather leave some permanent work and not an imitation
only; he would rather be the receiver than the giver of praise? 'Yes,
for then he would have more honour and advantage.'

Let us now interrogate Homer and the poets. Friend Homer, say I to him,
I am not going to ask you about medicine, or any art to which your
poems incidentally refer, but about their main subjects--war, military
tactics, politics. If you are only twice and not thrice removed from the
truth--not an imitator or an image-maker, please to inform us what good
you have ever done to mankind? Is there any city which professes to have
received laws from you, as Sicily and Italy have from Charondas, Sparta
from Lycurgus, Athens from Solon? Or was any war ever carried on by your
counsels? or is any invention attributed to you, as there is to Thales
and Anacharsis? Or is there any Homeric way of life, such as the
Pythagorean was, in which you instructed men, and which is called after
you? 'No, indeed; and Creophylus (Flesh-child) was even more unfortunate
in his breeding than he was in his name, if, as tradition says, Homer in
his lifetime was allowed by him and his other friends to starve.' Yes,
but could this ever have happened if Homer had really been the educator
of Hellas? Would he not have had many devoted followers? If Protagoras
and Prodicus can persuade their contemporaries that no one can manage
house or State without them, is it likely that Homer and Hesiod would
have been allowed to go about as beggars--I mean if they had really been
able to do the world any good?--would not men have compelled them
to stay where they were, or have followed them about in order to get
education? But they did not; and therefore we may infer that Homer and
all the poets are only imitators, who do but imitate the appearances of
things. For as a painter by a knowledge of figure and colour can paint a
cobbler without any practice in cobbling, so the poet can delineate
any art in the colours of language, and give harmony and rhythm to the
cobbler and also to the general; and you know how mere narration, when
deprived of the ornaments of metre, is like a face which has lost the
beauty of youth and never had any other. Once more, the imitator has no
knowledge of reality, but only of appearance. The painter paints, and
the artificer makes a bridle and reins, but neither understands the use
of them--the knowledge of this is confined to the horseman; and so of
other things. Thus we have three arts: one of use, another of invention,
a third of imitation; and the user furnishes the rule to the two others.
The flute-player will know the good and bad flute, and the maker
will put faith in him; but the imitator will neither know nor have
faith--neither science nor true opinion can be ascribed to him.
Imitation, then, is devoid of knowledge, being only a kind of play
or sport, and the tragic and epic poets are imitators in the highest
degree.

And now let us enquire, what is the faculty in man which answers to
imitation. Allow me to explain my meaning: Objects are differently seen
when in the water and when out of the water, when near and when at a
distance; and the painter or juggler makes use of this variation to
impose upon us. And the art of measuring and weighing and calculating
comes in to save our bewildered minds from the power of appearance; for,
as we were saying, two contrary opinions of the same about the same and
at the same time, cannot both of them be true. But which of them is
true is determined by the art of calculation; and this is allied to the
better faculty in the soul, as the arts of imitation are to the worse.
And the same holds of the ear as well as of the eye, of poetry as well
as painting. The imitation is of actions voluntary or involuntary,
in which there is an expectation of a good or bad result, and present
experience of pleasure and pain. But is a man in harmony with himself
when he is the subject of these conflicting influences? Is there not
rather a contradiction in him? Let me further ask, whether he is more
likely to control sorrow when he is alone or when he is in company.
'In the latter case.' Feeling would lead him to indulge his sorrow, but
reason and law control him and enjoin patience; since he cannot know
whether his affliction is good or evil, and no human thing is of
any great consequence, while sorrow is certainly a hindrance to good
counsel. For when we stumble, we should not, like children, make an
uproar; we should take the measures which reason prescribes, not raising
a lament, but finding a cure. And the better part of us is ready to
follow reason, while the irrational principle is full of sorrow and
distraction at the recollection of our troubles. Unfortunately, however,
this latter furnishes the chief materials of the imitative arts. Whereas
reason is ever in repose and cannot easily be displayed, especially to a
mixed multitude who have no experience of her. Thus the poet is like the
painter in two ways: first he paints an inferior degree of truth, and
secondly, he is concerned with an inferior part of the soul. He indulges
the feelings, while he enfeebles the reason; and we refuse to allow him
to have authority over the mind of man; for he has no measure of greater
and less, and is a maker of images and very far gone from truth.

But we have not yet mentioned the heaviest count in the indictment--the
power which poetry has of injuriously exciting the feelings. When we
hear some passage in which a hero laments his sufferings at tedious
length, you know that we sympathize with him and praise the poet; and
yet in our own sorrows such an exhibition of feeling is regarded as
effeminate and unmanly (Ion). Now, ought a man to feel pleasure in
seeing another do what he hates and abominates in himself? Is he not
giving way to a sentiment which in his own case he would control?--he is
off his guard because the sorrow is another's; and he thinks that he
may indulge his feelings without disgrace, and will be the gainer by
the pleasure. But the inevitable consequence is that he who begins by
weeping at the sorrows of others, will end by weeping at his own. The
same is true of comedy,--you may often laugh at buffoonery which you
would be ashamed to utter, and the love of coarse merriment on the stage
will at last turn you into a buffoon at home. Poetry feeds and waters
the passions and desires; she lets them rule instead of ruling them. And
therefore, when we hear the encomiasts of Homer affirming that he is
the educator of Hellas, and that all life should be regulated by his
precepts, we may allow the excellence of their intentions, and agree
with them in thinking Homer a great poet and tragedian. But we shall
continue to prohibit all poetry which goes beyond hymns to the Gods and
praises of famous men. Not pleasure and pain, but law and reason shall
rule in our State.

These are our grounds for expelling poetry; but lest she should charge
us with discourtesy, let us also make an apology to her. We will remind
her that there is an ancient quarrel between poetry and philosophy, of
which there are many traces in the writings of the poets, such as the
saying of 'the she-dog, yelping at her mistress,' and 'the philosophers
who are ready to circumvent Zeus,' and 'the philosophers who are
paupers.' Nevertheless we bear her no ill-will, and will gladly allow
her to return upon condition that she makes a defence of herself in
verse; and her supporters who are not poets may speak in prose. We
confess her charms; but if she cannot show that she is useful as well
as delightful, like rational lovers, we must renounce our love,
though endeared to us by early associations. Having come to years of
discretion, we know that poetry is not truth, and that a man should be
careful how he introduces her to that state or constitution which he
himself is; for there is a mighty issue at stake--no less than the good
or evil of a human soul. And it is not worth while to forsake justice
and virtue for the attractions of poetry, any more than for the sake of
honour or wealth. 'I agree with you.'

And yet the rewards of virtue are greater far than I have described.
'And can we conceive things greater still?' Not, perhaps, in this brief
span of life: but should an immortal being care about anything short of
eternity? 'I do not understand what you mean?' Do you not know that the
soul is immortal? 'Surely you are not prepared to prove that?' Indeed I
am. 'Then let me hear this argument, of which you make so light.'

You would admit that everything has an element of good and of evil. In
all things there is an inherent corruption; and if this cannot destroy
them, nothing else will. The soul too has her own corrupting principles,
which are injustice, intemperance, cowardice, and the like. But none of
these destroy the soul in the same sense that disease destroys the body.
The soul may be full of all iniquities, but is not, by reason of them,
brought any nearer to death. Nothing which was not destroyed from within
ever perished by external affection of evil. The body, which is one
thing, cannot be destroyed by food, which is another, unless the badness
of the food is communicated to the body. Neither can the soul, which
is one thing, be corrupted by the body, which is another, unless she
herself is infected. And as no bodily evil can infect the soul, neither
can any bodily evil, whether disease or violence, or any other destroy
the soul, unless it can be shown to render her unholy and unjust. But no
one will ever prove that the souls of men become more unjust when
they die. If a person has the audacity to say the contrary, the answer
is--Then why do criminals require the hand of the executioner, and
not die of themselves? 'Truly,' he said, 'injustice would not be very
terrible if it brought a cessation of evil; but I rather believe that
the injustice which murders others may tend to quicken and stimulate
the life of the unjust.' You are quite right. If sin which is her own
natural and inherent evil cannot destroy the soul, hardly will anything
else destroy her. But the soul which cannot be destroyed either by
internal or external evil must be immortal and everlasting. And if
this be true, souls will always exist in the same number. They cannot
diminish, because they cannot be destroyed; nor yet increase, for the
increase of the immortal must come from something mortal, and so all
would end in immortality. Neither is the soul variable and diverse; for
that which is immortal must be of the fairest and simplest composition.
If we would conceive her truly, and so behold justice and injustice in
their own nature, she must be viewed by the light of reason pure as at
birth, or as she is reflected in philosophy when holding converse with
the divine and immortal and eternal. In her present condition we see her
only like the sea-god Glaucus, bruised and maimed in the sea which is
the world, and covered with shells and stones which are incrusted upon
her from the entertainments of earth.

Thus far, as the argument required, we have said nothing of the rewards
and honours which the poets attribute to justice; we have contented
ourselves with showing that justice in herself is best for the soul in
herself, even if a man should put on a Gyges' ring and have the helmet
of Hades too. And now you shall repay me what you borrowed; and I will
enumerate the rewards of justice in life and after death. I granted,
for the sake of argument, as you will remember, that evil might
perhaps escape the knowledge of Gods and men, although this was really
impossible. And since I have shown that justice has reality, you must
grant me also that she has the palm of appearance. In the first place,
the just man is known to the Gods, and he is therefore the friend of the
Gods, and he will receive at their hands every good, always excepting
such evil as is the necessary consequence of former sins. All things end
in good to him, either in life or after death, even what appears to
be evil; for the Gods have a care of him who desires to be in their
likeness. And what shall we say of men? Is not honesty the best policy?
The clever rogue makes a great start at first, but breaks down before he
reaches the goal, and slinks away in dishonour; whereas the true runner
perseveres to the end, and receives the prize. And you must allow me
to repeat all the blessings which you attributed to the fortunate
unjust--they bear rule in the city, they marry and give in marriage to
whom they will; and the evils which you attributed to the unfortunate
just, do really fall in the end on the unjust, although, as you implied,
their sufferings are better veiled in silence.

But all the blessings of this present life are as nothing when compared
with those which await good men after death. 'I should like to hear
about them.' Come, then, and I will tell you the story of Er, the son of
Armenius, a valiant man. He was supposed to have died in battle, but ten
days afterwards his body was found untouched by corruption and sent home
for burial. On the twelfth day he was placed on the funeral pyre and
there he came to life again, and told what he had seen in the world
below. He said that his soul went with a great company to a place, in
which there were two chasms near together in the earth beneath, and two
corresponding chasms in the heaven above. And there were judges sitting
in the intermediate space, bidding the just ascend by the heavenly
way on the right hand, having the seal of their judgment set upon them
before, while the unjust, having the seal behind, were bidden to descend
by the way on the left hand. Him they told to look and listen, as he was
to be their messenger to men from the world below. And he beheld and saw
the souls departing after judgment at either chasm; some who came from
earth, were worn and travel-stained; others, who came from heaven,
were clean and bright. They seemed glad to meet and rest awhile in the
meadow; here they discoursed with one another of what they had seen in
the other world. Those who came from earth wept at the remembrance of
their sorrows, but the spirits from above spoke of glorious sights and
heavenly bliss. He said that for every evil deed they were punished
tenfold--now the journey was of a thousand years' duration, because the
life of man was reckoned as a hundred years--and the rewards of virtue
were in the same proportion. He added something hardly worth repeating
about infants dying almost as soon as they were born. Of parricides and
other murderers he had tortures still more terrible to narrate. He was
present when one of the spirits asked--Where is Ardiaeus the Great?
(This Ardiaeus was a cruel tyrant, who had murdered his father, and his
elder brother, a thousand years before.) Another spirit answered,
'He comes not hither, and will never come. And I myself,' he added,
'actually saw this terrible sight. At the entrance of the chasm, as we
were about to reascend, Ardiaeus appeared, and some other sinners--most
of whom had been tyrants, but not all--and just as they fancied that
they were returning to life, the chasm gave a roar, and then wild,
fiery-looking men who knew the meaning of the sound, seized him and
several others, and bound them hand and foot and threw them down, and
dragged them along at the side of the road, lacerating them and carding
them like wool, and explaining to the passers-by, that they were going
to be cast into hell.' The greatest terror of the pilgrims ascending was
lest they should hear the voice, and when there was silence one by one
they passed up with joy. To these sufferings there were corresponding
delights.

On the eighth day the souls of the pilgrims resumed their journey,
and in four days came to a spot whence they looked down upon a line of
light, in colour like a rainbow, only brighter and clearer. One day
more brought them to the place, and they saw that this was the column
of light which binds together the whole universe. The ends of the column
were fastened to heaven, and from them hung the distaff of Necessity,
on which all the heavenly bodies turned--the hook and spindle were of
adamant, and the whorl of a mixed substance. The whorl was in form
like a number of boxes fitting into one another with their edges
turned upwards, making together a single whorl which was pierced by the
spindle. The outermost had the rim broadest, and the inner whorls were
smaller and smaller, and had their rims narrower. The largest (the fixed
stars) was spangled--the seventh (the sun) was brightest--the eighth
(the moon) shone by the light of the seventh--the second and fifth
(Saturn and Mercury) were most like one another and yellower than the
eighth--the third (Jupiter) had the whitest light--the fourth (Mars)
was red--the sixth (Venus) was in whiteness second. The whole had one
motion, but while this was revolving in one direction the seven inner
circles were moving in the opposite, with various degrees of swiftness
and slowness. The spindle turned on the knees of Necessity, and a Siren
stood hymning upon each circle, while Lachesis, Clotho, and Atropos, the
daughters of Necessity, sat on thrones at equal intervals, singing of
past, present, and future, responsive to the music of the Sirens; Clotho
from time to time guiding the outer circle with a touch of her right
hand; Atropos with her left hand touching and guiding the inner circles;
Lachesis in turn putting forth her hand from time to time to guide both
of them. On their arrival the pilgrims went to Lachesis, and there was
an interpreter who arranged them, and taking from her knees lots, and
samples of lives, got up into a pulpit and said: 'Mortal souls, hear
the words of Lachesis, the daughter of Necessity. A new period of
mortal life has begun, and you may choose what divinity you please;
the responsibility of choosing is with you--God is blameless.' After
speaking thus, he cast the lots among them and each one took up the
lot which fell near him. He then placed on the ground before them the
samples of lives, many more than the souls present; and there were all
sorts of lives, of men and of animals. There were tyrannies ending in
misery and exile, and lives of men and women famous for their different
qualities; and also mixed lives, made up of wealth and poverty,
sickness and health. Here, Glaucon, is the great risk of human life, and
therefore the whole of education should be directed to the acquisition
of such a knowledge as will teach a man to refuse the evil and choose
the good. He should know all the combinations which occur in life--of
beauty with poverty or with wealth,--of knowledge with external
goods,--and at last choose with reference to the nature of the soul,
regarding that only as the better life which makes men better, and
leaving the rest. And a man must take with him an iron sense of truth
and right into the world below, that there too he may remain undazzled
by wealth or the allurements of evil, and be determined to avoid the
extremes and choose the mean. For this, as the messenger reported the
interpreter to have said, is the true happiness of man; and any one, as
he proclaimed, may, if he choose with understanding, have a good lot,
even though he come last. 'Let not the first be careless in his choice,
nor the last despair.' He spoke; and when he had spoken, he who had
drawn the first lot chose a tyranny: he did not see that he was fated to
devour his own children--and when he discovered his mistake, he wept
and beat his breast, blaming chance and the Gods and anybody rather
than himself. He was one of those who had come from heaven, and in his
previous life had been a citizen of a well-ordered State, but he had
only habit and no philosophy. Like many another, he made a bad choice,
because he had no experience of life; whereas those who came from earth
and had seen trouble were not in such a hurry to choose. But if a
man had followed philosophy while upon earth, and had been moderately
fortunate in his lot, he might not only be happy here, but his
pilgrimage both from and to this world would be smooth and heavenly.
Nothing was more curious than the spectacle of the choice, at once sad
and laughable and wonderful; most of the souls only seeking to avoid
their own condition in a previous life. He saw the soul of Orpheus
changing into a swan because he would not be born of a woman; there was
Thamyras becoming a nightingale; musical birds, like the swan, choosing
to be men; the twentieth soul, which was that of Ajax, preferring the
life of a lion to that of a man, in remembrance of the injustice which
was done to him in the judgment of the arms; and Agamemnon, from a like
enmity to human nature, passing into an eagle. About the middle was the
soul of Atalanta choosing the honours of an athlete, and next to her
Epeus taking the nature of a workwoman; among the last was Thersites,
who was changing himself into a monkey. Thither, the last of all, came
Odysseus, and sought the lot of a private man, which lay neglected and
despised, and when he found it he went away rejoicing, and said that if
he had been first instead of last, his choice would have been the same.
Men, too, were seen passing into animals, and wild and tame animals
changing into one another.

When all the souls had chosen they went to Lachesis, who sent with each
of them their genius or attendant to fulfil their lot. He first of
all brought them under the hand of Clotho, and drew them within the
revolution of the spindle impelled by her hand; from her they were
carried to Atropos, who made the threads irreversible; whence, without
turning round, they passed beneath the throne of Necessity; and when
they had all passed, they moved on in scorching heat to the plain of
Forgetfulness and rested at evening by the river Unmindful, whose water
could not be retained in any vessel; of this they had all to drink a
certain quantity--some of them drank more than was required, and he who
drank forgot all things. Er himself was prevented from drinking.
When they had gone to rest, about the middle of the night there were
thunderstorms and earthquakes, and suddenly they were all driven divers
ways, shooting like stars to their birth. Concerning his return to the
body, he only knew that awaking suddenly in the morning he found himself
lying on the pyre.

Thus, Glaucon, the tale has been saved, and will be our salvation, if we
believe that the soul is immortal, and hold fast to the heavenly way
of Justice and Knowledge. So shall we pass undefiled over the river
of Forgetfulness, and be dear to ourselves and to the Gods, and have
a crown of reward and happiness both in this world and also in the
millennial pilgrimage of the other.

The Tenth Book of the Republic of Plato falls into two divisions: first,
resuming an old thread which has been interrupted, Socrates assails the
poets, who, now that the nature of the soul has been analyzed, are
seen to be very far gone from the truth; and secondly, having shown the
reality of the happiness of the just, he demands that appearance shall
be restored to him, and then proceeds to prove the immortality of the
soul. The argument, as in the Phaedo and Gorgias, is supplemented by the
vision of a future life.

Why Plato, who was himself a poet, and whose dialogues are poems and
dramas, should have been hostile to the poets as a class, and especially
to the dramatic poets; why he should not have seen that truth may
be embodied in verse as well as in prose, and that there are some
indefinable lights and shadows of human life which can only be expressed
in poetry--some elements of imagination which always entwine with
reason; why he should have supposed epic verse to be inseparably
associated with the impurities of the old Hellenic mythology; why
he should try Homer and Hesiod by the unfair and prosaic test of
utility,--are questions which have always been debated amongst students
of Plato. Though unable to give a complete answer to them, we may
show--first, that his views arose naturally out of the circumstances
of his age; and secondly, we may elicit the truth as well as the error
which is contained in them.

He is the enemy of the poets because poetry was declining in his own
lifetime, and a theatrocracy, as he says in the Laws, had taken the
place of an intellectual aristocracy. Euripides exhibited the last phase
of the tragic drama, and in him Plato saw the friend and apologist of
tyrants, and the Sophist of tragedy. The old comedy was almost extinct;
the new had not yet arisen. Dramatic and lyric poetry, like every other
branch of Greek literature, was falling under the power of rhetoric.
There was no 'second or third' to Aeschylus and Sophocles in the
generation which followed them. Aristophanes, in one of his later
comedies (Frogs), speaks of 'thousands of tragedy-making prattlers,'
whose attempts at poetry he compares to the chirping of swallows; 'their
garrulity went far beyond Euripides,'--'they appeared once upon the
stage, and there was an end of them.' To a man of genius who had a
real appreciation of the godlike Aeschylus and the noble and gentle
Sophocles, though disagreeing with some parts of their 'theology'
(Rep.), these 'minor poets' must have been contemptible and intolerable.
There is no feeling stronger in the dialogues of Plato than a sense of
the decline and decay both in literature and in politics which marked
his own age. Nor can he have been expected to look with favour on the
licence of Aristophanes, now at the end of his career, who had begun by
satirizing Socrates in the Clouds, and in a similar spirit forty years
afterwards had satirized the founders of ideal commonwealths in his
Eccleziazusae, or Female Parliament (Laws).

There were other reasons for the antagonism of Plato to poetry. The
profession of an actor was regarded by him as a degradation of human
nature, for 'one man in his life' cannot 'play many parts;' the
characters which the actor performs seem to destroy his own character,
and to leave nothing which can be truly called himself. Neither can any
man live his life and act it. The actor is the slave of his art, not the
master of it. Taking this view Plato is more decided in his expulsion of
the dramatic than of the epic poets, though he must have known that
the Greek tragedians afforded noble lessons and examples of virtue
and patriotism, to which nothing in Homer can be compared. But great
dramatic or even great rhetorical power is hardly consistent with
firmness or strength of mind, and dramatic talent is often incidentally
associated with a weak or dissolute character.

In the Tenth Book Plato introduces a new series of objections. First,
he says that the poet or painter is an imitator, and in the third
degree removed from the truth. His creations are not tested by rule and
measure; they are only appearances. In modern times we should say that
art is not merely imitation, but rather the expression of the ideal in
forms of sense. Even adopting the humble image of Plato, from which
his argument derives a colour, we should maintain that the artist may
ennoble the bed which he paints by the folds of the drapery, or by the
feeling of home which he introduces; and there have been modern
painters who have imparted such an ideal interest to a blacksmith's or
a carpenter's shop. The eye or mind which feels as well as sees can give
dignity and pathos to a ruined mill, or a straw-built shed (Rembrandt),
to the hull of a vessel 'going to its last home' (Turner). Still more
would this apply to the greatest works of art, which seem to be the
visible embodiment of the divine. Had Plato been asked whether the Zeus
or Athene of Pheidias was the imitation of an imitation only, would he
not have been compelled to admit that something more was to be found in
them than in the form of any mortal; and that the rule of proportion
to which they conformed was 'higher far than any geometry or arithmetic
could express?' (Statesman.)

Again, Plato objects to the imitative arts that they express the
emotional rather than the rational part of human nature. He does not
admit Aristotle's theory, that tragedy or other serious imitations are
a purgation of the passions by pity and fear; to him they appear only to
afford the opportunity of indulging them. Yet we must acknowledge that
we may sometimes cure disordered emotions by giving expression to them;
and that they often gain strength when pent up within our own breast.
It is not every indulgence of the feelings which is to be condemned.
For there may be a gratification of the higher as well as of the
lower--thoughts which are too deep or too sad to be expressed by
ourselves, may find an utterance in the words of poets. Every one would
acknowledge that there have been times when they were consoled and
elevated by beautiful music or by the sublimity of architecture or by
the peacefulness of nature. Plato has himself admitted, in the earlier
part of the Republic, that the arts might have the effect of harmonizing
as well as of enervating the mind; but in the Tenth Book he regards them
through a Stoic or Puritan medium. He asks only 'What good have they
done?' and is not satisfied with the reply, that 'They have given
innocent pleasure to mankind.'

He tells us that he rejoices in the banishment of the poets, since he
has found by the analysis of the soul that they are concerned with the
inferior faculties. He means to say that the higher faculties have to do
with universals, the lower with particulars of sense. The poets are on
a level with their own age, but not on a level with Socrates and Plato;
and he was well aware that Homer and Hesiod could not be made a rule of
life by any process of legitimate interpretation; his ironical use of
them is in fact a denial of their authority; he saw, too, that the
poets were not critics--as he says in the Apology, 'Any one was a better
interpreter of their writings than they were themselves. He himself
ceased to be a poet when he became a disciple of Socrates; though, as he
tells us of Solon, 'he might have been one of the greatest of them, if
he had not been deterred by other pursuits' (Tim.) Thus from many points
of view there is an antagonism between Plato and the poets, which was
foreshadowed to him in the old quarrel between philosophy and poetry.
The poets, as he says in the Protagoras, were the Sophists of their day;
and his dislike of the one class is reflected on the other. He regards
them both as the enemies of reasoning and abstraction, though in the
case of Euripides more with reference to his immoral sentiments about
tyrants and the like. For Plato is the prophet who 'came into the world
to convince men'--first of the fallibility of sense and opinion, and
secondly of the reality of abstract ideas. Whatever strangeness there
may be in modern times in opposing philosophy to poetry, which to us
seem to have so many elements in common, the strangeness will disappear
if we conceive of poetry as allied to sense, and of philosophy as
equivalent to thought and abstraction. Unfortunately the very word
'idea,' which to Plato is expressive of the most real of all things, is
associated in our minds with an element of subjectiveness and unreality.
We may note also how he differs from Aristotle who declares poetry to
be truer than history, for the opposite reason, because it is concerned
with universals, not like history, with particulars (Poet).

The things which are seen are opposed in Scripture to the things which
are unseen--they are equally opposed in Plato to universals and ideas.
To him all particulars appear to be floating about in a world of sense;
they have a taint of error or even of evil. There is no difficulty in
seeing that this is an illusion; for there is no more error or variation
in an individual man, horse, bed, etc., than in the class man, horse,
bed, etc.; nor is the truth which is displayed in individual instances
less certain than that which is conveyed through the medium of
ideas. But Plato, who is deeply impressed with the real importance of
universals as instruments of thought, attributes to them an essential
truth which is imaginary and unreal; for universals may be often false
and particulars true. Had he attained to any clear conception of the
individual, which is the synthesis of the universal and the particular;
or had he been able to distinguish between opinion and sensation, which
the ambiguity of the words (Greek) and the like, tended to confuse, he
would not have denied truth to the particulars of sense.

But the poets are also the representatives of falsehood and feigning
in all departments of life and knowledge, like the sophists and
rhetoricians of the Gorgias and Phaedrus; they are the false priests,
false prophets, lying spirits, enchanters of the world. There is another
count put into the indictment against them by Plato, that they are
the friends of the tyrant, and bask in the sunshine of his patronage.
Despotism in all ages has had an apparatus of false ideas and false
teachers at its service--in the history of Modern Europe as well as of
Greece and Rome. For no government of men depends solely upon force;
without some corruption of literature and morals--some appeal to the
imagination of the masses--some pretence to the favour of heaven--some
element of good giving power to evil, tyranny, even for a short time,
cannot be maintained. The Greek tyrants were not insensible to the
importance of awakening in their cause a Pseudo-Hellenic feeling; they
were proud of successes at the Olympic games; they were not devoid of
the love of literature and art. Plato is thinking in the first instance
of Greek poets who had graced the courts of Dionysius or Archelaus: and
the old spirit of freedom is roused within him at their prostitution of
the Tragic Muse in the praises of tyranny. But his prophetic eye extends
beyond them to the false teachers of other ages who are the creatures of
the government under which they live. He compares the corruption of his
contemporaries with the idea of a perfect society, and gathers up
into one mass of evil the evils and errors of mankind; to him they are
personified in the rhetoricians, sophists, poets, rulers who deceive and
govern the world.

A further objection which Plato makes to poetry and the imitative
arts is that they excite the emotions. Here the modern reader will be
disposed to introduce a distinction which appears to have escaped him.
For the emotions are neither bad nor good in themselves, and are not
most likely to be controlled by the attempt to eradicate them, but by
the moderate indulgence of them. And the vocation of art is to present
thought in the form of feeling, to enlist the feelings on the side of
reason, to inspire even for a moment courage or resignation; perhaps to
suggest a sense of infinity and eternity in a way which mere language is
incapable of attaining. True, the same power which in the purer age of
art embodies gods and heroes only, may be made to express the voluptuous
image of a Corinthian courtezan. But this only shows that art, like
other outward things, may be turned to good and also to evil, and is not
more closely connected with the higher than with the lower part of the
soul. All imitative art is subject to certain limitations, and therefore
necessarily partakes of the nature of a compromise. Something of ideal
truth is sacrificed for the sake of the representation, and something in
the exactness of the representation is sacrificed to the ideal. Still,
works of art have a permanent element; they idealize and detain the
passing thought, and are the intermediates between sense and ideas.

In the present stage of the human mind, poetry and other forms of
fiction may certainly be regarded as a good. But we can also imagine the
existence of an age in which a severer conception of truth has either
banished or transformed them. At any rate we must admit that they hold
a different place at different periods of the world's history. In the
infancy of mankind, poetry, with the exception of proverbs, is the
whole of literature, and the only instrument of intellectual culture; in
modern times she is the shadow or echo of her former self, and appears
to have a precarious existence. Milton in his day doubted whether an
epic poem was any longer possible. At the same time we must remember,
that what Plato would have called the charms of poetry have been partly
transferred to prose; he himself (Statesman) admits rhetoric to be the
handmaiden of Politics, and proposes to find in the strain of law (Laws)
a substitute for the old poets. Among ourselves the creative power seems
often to be growing weaker, and scientific fact to be more engrossing
and overpowering to the mind than formerly. The illusion of the feelings
commonly called love, has hitherto been the inspiring influence of
modern poetry and romance, and has exercised a humanizing if not a
strengthening influence on the world. But may not the stimulus which
love has given to fancy be some day exhausted? The modern English novel
which is the most popular of all forms of reading is not more than a
century or two old: will the tale of love a hundred years hence, after
so many thousand variations of the same theme, be still received with
unabated interest?

Art cannot claim to be on a level with philosophy or religion, and may
often corrupt them. It is possible to conceive a mental state in which
all artistic representations are regarded as a false and imperfect
expression, either of the religious ideal or of the philosophical ideal.
The fairest forms may be revolting in certain moods of mind, as is
proved by the fact that the Mahometans, and many sects of Christians,
have renounced the use of pictures and images. The beginning of a great
religion, whether Christian or Gentile, has not been 'wood or stone,'
but a spirit moving in the hearts of men. The disciples have met in a
large upper room or in 'holes and caves of the earth'; in the second or
third generation, they have had mosques, temples, churches, monasteries.
And the revival or reform of religions, like the first revelation
of them, has come from within and has generally disregarded external
ceremonies and accompaniments.

But poetry and art may also be the expression of the highest truth and
the purest sentiment. Plato himself seems to waver between two opposite
views--when, as in the third Book, he insists that youth should be
brought up amid wholesome imagery; and again in Book X, when he banishes
the poets from his Republic. Admitting that the arts, which some of us
almost deify, have fallen short of their higher aim, we must admit on
the other hand that to banish imagination wholly would be suicidal as
well as impossible. For nature too is a form of art; and a breath of
the fresh air or a single glance at the varying landscape would in an
instant revive and reillumine the extinguished spark of poetry in the
human breast. In the lower stages of civilization imagination more than
reason distinguishes man from the animals; and to banish art would be
to banish thought, to banish language, to banish the expression of
all truth. No religion is wholly devoid of external forms; even the
Mahometan who renounces the use of pictures and images has a temple in
which he worships the Most High, as solemn and beautiful as any Greek or
Christian building. Feeling too and thought are not really opposed; for
he who thinks must feel before he can execute. And the highest thoughts,
when they become familiarized to us, are always tending to pass into the
form of feeling.

Plato does not seriously intend to expel poets from life and society.
But he feels strongly the unreality of their writings; he is protesting
against the degeneracy of poetry in his own day as we might protest
against the want of serious purpose in modern fiction, against the
unseemliness or extravagance of some of our poets or novelists,
against the time-serving of preachers or public writers, against the
regardlessness of truth which to the eye of the philosopher seems to
characterize the greater part of the world. For we too have reason to
complain that our poets and novelists 'paint inferior truth' and 'are
concerned with the inferior part of the soul'; that the readers of them
become what they read and are injuriously affected by them. And we look
in vain for that healthy atmosphere of which Plato speaks,--'the beauty
which meets the sense like a breeze and imperceptibly draws the soul,
even in childhood, into harmony with the beauty of reason.'

For there might be a poetry which would be the hymn of divine
perfection, the harmony of goodness and truth among men: a strain which
should renew the youth of the world, and bring back the ages in which
the poet was man's only teacher and best friend,--which would find
materials in the living present as well as in the romance of the
past, and might subdue to the fairest forms of speech and verse the
intractable materials of modern civilisation,--which might elicit the
simple principles, or, as Plato would have called them, the essential
forms, of truth and justice out of the variety of opinion and the
complexity of modern society,--which would preserve all the good of each
generation and leave the bad unsung,--which should be based not on vain
longings or faint imaginings, but on a clear insight into the nature of
man. Then the tale of love might begin again in poetry or prose, two in
one, united in the pursuit of knowledge, or the service of God and man;
and feelings of love might still be the incentive to great thoughts
and heroic deeds as in the days of Dante or Petrarch; and many types
of manly and womanly beauty might appear among us, rising above the
ordinary level of humanity, and many lives which were like poems (Laws),
be not only written, but lived by us. A few such strains have been
heard among men in the tragedies of Aeschylus and Sophocles, whom Plato
quotes, not, as Homer is quoted by him, in irony, but with deep and
serious approval,--in the poetry of Milton and Wordsworth, and in
passages of other English poets,--first and above all in the Hebrew
prophets and psalmists. Shakespeare has taught us how great men should
speak and act; he has drawn characters of a wonderful purity and depth;
he has ennobled the human mind, but, like Homer (Rep.), he 'has left
no way of life.' The next greatest poet of modern times, Goethe, is
concerned with 'a lower degree of truth'; he paints the world as a stage
on which 'all the men and women are merely players'; he cultivates life
as an art, but he furnishes no ideals of truth and action. The poet may
rebel against any attempt to set limits to his fancy; and he may
argue truly that moralizing in verse is not poetry. Possibly, like
Mephistopheles in Faust, he may retaliate on his adversaries. But the
philosopher will still be justified in asking, 'How may the heavenly
gift of poesy be devoted to the good of mankind?'

Returning to Plato, we may observe that a similar mixture of truth
and error appears in other parts of the argument. He is aware of the
absurdity of mankind framing their whole lives according to Homer; just
as in the Phaedrus he intimates the absurdity of interpreting mythology
upon rational principles; both these were the modern tendencies of his
own age, which he deservedly ridicules. On the other hand, his argument
that Homer, if he had been able to teach mankind anything worth knowing,
would not have been allowed by them to go about begging as a rhapsodist,
is both false and contrary to the spirit of Plato (Rep.). It may be
compared with those other paradoxes of the Gorgias, that 'No statesman
was ever unjustly put to death by the city of which he was the head';
and that 'No Sophist was ever defrauded by his pupils' (Gorg.)...

The argument for immortality seems to rest on the absolute dualism of
soul and body. Admitting the existence of the soul, we know of no force
which is able to put an end to her. Vice is her own proper evil; and if
she cannot be destroyed by that, she cannot be destroyed by any other.
Yet Plato has acknowledged that the soul may be so overgrown by the
incrustations of earth as to lose her original form; and in the Timaeus
he recognizes more strongly than in the Republic the influence which the
body has over the mind, denying even the voluntariness of human actions,
on the ground that they proceed from physical states (Tim.). In the
Republic, as elsewhere, he wavers between the original soul which has
to be restored, and the character which is developed by training and
education...

The vision of another world is ascribed to Er, the son of Armenius, who
is said by Clement of Alexandria to have been Zoroaster. The tale
has certainly an oriental character, and may be compared with the
pilgrimages of the soul in the Zend Avesta (Haug, Avesta). But no trace
of acquaintance with Zoroaster is found elsewhere in Plato's writings,
and there is no reason for giving him the name of Er the Pamphylian. The
philosophy of Heracleitus cannot be shown to be borrowed from Zoroaster,
and still less the myths of Plato.

The local arrangement of the vision is less distinct than that of the
Phaedrus and Phaedo. Astronomy is mingled with symbolism and mythology;
the great sphere of heaven is represented under the symbol of a cylinder
or box, containing the seven orbits of the planets and the fixed stars;
this is suspended from an axis or spindle which turns on the knees of
Necessity; the revolutions of the seven orbits contained in the cylinder
are guided by the fates, and their harmonious motion produces the music
of the spheres. Through the innermost or eighth of these, which is the
moon, is passed the spindle; but it is doubtful whether this is the
continuation of the column of light, from which the pilgrims contemplate
the heavens; the words of Plato imply that they are connected, but
not the same. The column itself is clearly not of adamant. The spindle
(which is of adamant) is fastened to the ends of the chains which
extend to the middle of the column of light--this column is said to hold
together the heaven; but whether it hangs from the spindle, or is at
right angles to it, is not explained. The cylinder containing the orbits
of the stars is almost as much a symbol as the figure of Necessity
turning the spindle;--for the outermost rim is the sphere of the fixed
stars, and nothing is said about the intervals of space which divide the
paths of the stars in the heavens. The description is both a picture and
an orrery, and therefore is necessarily inconsistent with itself. The
column of light is not the Milky Way--which is neither straight, nor
like a rainbow--but the imaginary axis of the earth. This is compared
to the rainbow in respect not of form but of colour, and not to the
undergirders of a trireme, but to the straight rope running from prow to
stern in which the undergirders meet.

The orrery or picture of the heavens given in the Republic differs in
its mode of representation from the circles of the same and of the
other in the Timaeus. In both the fixed stars are distinguished from the
planets, and they move in orbits without them, although in an opposite
direction: in the Republic as in the Timaeus they are all moving round
the axis of the world. But we are not certain that in the former they
are moving round the earth. No distinct mention is made in the Republic
of the circles of the same and other; although both in the Timaeus and
in the Republic the motion of the fixed stars is supposed to coincide
with the motion of the whole. The relative thickness of the rims is
perhaps designed to express the relative distances of the planets.
Plato probably intended to represent the earth, from which Er and his
companions are viewing the heavens, as stationary in place; but whether
or not herself revolving, unless this is implied in the revolution of
the axis, is uncertain (Timaeus). The spectator may be supposed to look
at the heavenly bodies, either from above or below. The earth is a sort
of earth and heaven in one, like the heaven of the Phaedrus, on the back
of which the spectator goes out to take a peep at the stars and is borne
round in the revolution. There is no distinction between the equator and
the ecliptic. But Plato is no doubt led to imagine that the planets have
an opposite motion to that of the fixed stars, in order to account for
their appearances in the heavens. In the description of the meadow, and
the retribution of the good and evil after death, there are traces of
Homer.

The description of the axis as a spindle, and of the heavenly bodies as
forming a whole, partly arises out of the attempt to connect the motions
of the heavenly bodies with the mythological image of the web, or
weaving of the Fates. The giving of the lots, the weaving of them,
and the making of them irreversible, which are ascribed to the three
Fates--Lachesis, Clotho, Atropos, are obviously derived from their
names. The element of chance in human life is indicated by the order of
the lots. But chance, however adverse, may be overcome by the wisdom
of man, if he knows how to choose aright; there is a worse enemy to man
than chance; this enemy is himself. He who was moderately fortunate in
the number of the lot--even the very last comer--might have a good life
if he chose with wisdom. And as Plato does not like to make an assertion
which is unproven, he more than confirms this statement a few sentences
afterwards by the example of Odysseus, who chose last. But the virtue
which is founded on habit is not sufficient to enable a man to choose;
he must add to virtue knowledge, if he is to act rightly when placed
in new circumstances. The routine of good actions and good habits is
an inferior sort of goodness; and, as Coleridge says, 'Common sense
is intolerable which is not based on metaphysics,' so Plato would have
said, 'Habit is worthless which is not based upon philosophy.'

The freedom of the will to refuse the evil and to choose the good is
distinctly asserted. 'Virtue is free, and as a man honours or dishonours
her he will have more or less of her.' The life of man is 'rounded'
by necessity; there are circumstances prior to birth which affect him
(Pol.). But within the walls of necessity there is an open space in
which he is his own master, and can study for himself the effects which
the variously compounded gifts of nature or fortune have upon the soul,
and act accordingly. All men cannot have the first choice in everything.
But the lot of all men is good enough, if they choose wisely and will
live diligently.

The verisimilitude which is given to the pilgrimage of a thousand years,
by the intimation that Ardiaeus had lived a thousand years before;
the coincidence of Er coming to life on the twelfth day after he was
supposed to have been dead with the seven days which the pilgrims passed
in the meadow, and the four days during which they journeyed to the
column of light; the precision with which the soul is mentioned who
chose the twentieth lot; the passing remarks that there was no definite
character among the souls, and that the souls which had chosen ill
blamed any one rather than themselves; or that some of the souls drank
more than was necessary of the waters of Forgetfulness, while Er himself
was hindered from drinking; the desire of Odysseus to rest at last,
unlike the conception of him in Dante and Tennyson; the feigned
ignorance of how Er returned to the body, when the other souls went
shooting like stars to their birth,--add greatly to the probability of
the narrative. They are such touches of nature as the art of Defoe
might have introduced when he wished to win credibility for marvels and
apparitions.

*****

There still remain to be considered some points which have been
intentionally reserved to the end: (1) the Janus-like character of the
Republic, which presents two faces--one an Hellenic state, the other a
kingdom of philosophers. Connected with the latter of the two aspects
are (2) the paradoxes of the Republic, as they have been termed by
Morgenstern: (a) the community of property; (b) of families; (c) the
rule of philosophers; (d) the analogy of the individual and the State,
which, like some other analogies in the Republic, is carried too far. We
may then proceed to consider (3) the subject of education as conceived
by Plato, bringing together in a general view the education of youth
and the education of after-life; (4) we may note further some essential
differences between ancient and modern politics which are suggested by
the Republic; (5) we may compare the Politicus and the Laws; (6) we may
observe the influence exercised by Plato on his imitators; and (7)
take occasion to consider the nature and value of political, and (8) of
religious ideals.

1. Plato expressly says that he is intending to found an Hellenic State
(Book V). Many of his regulations are characteristically Spartan; such
as the prohibition of gold and silver, the common meals of the men, the
military training of the youth, the gymnastic exercises of the women.
The life of Sparta was the life of a camp (Laws), enforced even more
rigidly in time of peace than in war; the citizens of Sparta, like
Plato's, were forbidden to trade--they were to be soldiers and not
shopkeepers. Nowhere else in Greece was the individual so completely
subjected to the State; the time when he was to marry, the education of
his children, the clothes which he was to wear, the food which he was
to eat, were all prescribed by law. Some of the best enactments in the
Republic, such as the reverence to be paid to parents and elders,
and some of the worst, such as the exposure of deformed children, are
borrowed from the practice of Sparta. The encouragement of friendships
between men and youths, or of men with one another, as affording
incentives to bravery, is also Spartan; in Sparta too a nearer approach
was made than in any other Greek State to equality of the sexes, and
to community of property; and while there was probably less of
licentiousness in the sense of immorality, the tie of marriage was
regarded more lightly than in the rest of Greece. The 'suprema lex'
was the preservation of the family, and the interest of the State. The
coarse strength of a military government was not favourable to purity
and refinement; and the excessive strictness of some regulations seems
to have produced a reaction. Of all Hellenes the Spartans were most
accessible to bribery; several of the greatest of them might be
described in the words of Plato as having a 'fierce secret longing
after gold and silver.' Though not in the strict sense communists, the
principle of communism was maintained among them in their division of
lands, in their common meals, in their slaves, and in the free use of
one another's goods. Marriage was a public institution: and the women
were educated by the State, and sang and danced in public with the men.

Many traditions were preserved at Sparta of the severity with which the
magistrates had maintained the primitive rule of music and poetry; as in
the Republic of Plato, the new-fangled poet was to be expelled. Hymns
to the Gods, which are the only kind of music admitted into the ideal
State, were the only kind which was permitted at Sparta. The Spartans,
though an unpoetical race, were nevertheless lovers of poetry; they had
been stirred by the Elegiac strains of Tyrtaeus, they had crowded around
Hippias to hear his recitals of Homer; but in this they resembled the
citizens of the timocratic rather than of the ideal State. The council
of elder men also corresponds to the Spartan gerousia; and the freedom
with which they are permitted to judge about matters of detail agrees
with what we are told of that institution. Once more, the military rule
of not spoiling the dead or offering arms at the temples; the moderation
in the pursuit of enemies; the importance attached to the physical
well-being of the citizens; the use of warfare for the sake of defence
rather than of aggression--are features probably suggested by the spirit
and practice of Sparta.

To the Spartan type the ideal State reverts in the first decline; and
the character of the individual timocrat is borrowed from the Spartan
citizen. The love of Lacedaemon not only affected Plato and Xenophon,
but was shared by many undistinguished Athenians; there they seemed to
find a principle which was wanting in their own democracy. The (Greek)
of the Spartans attracted them, that is to say, not the goodness
of their laws, but the spirit of order and loyalty which prevailed.
Fascinated by the idea, citizens of Athens would imitate the
Lacedaemonians in their dress and manners; they were known to the
contemporaries of Plato as 'the persons who had their ears bruised,'
like the Roundheads of the Commonwealth. The love of another church
or country when seen at a distance only, the longing for an imaginary
simplicity in civilized times, the fond desire of a past which never has
been, or of a future which never will be,--these are aspirations of the
human mind which are often felt among ourselves. Such feelings meet with
a response in the Republic of Plato.

But there are other features of the Platonic Republic, as, for example,
the literary and philosophical education, and the grace and beauty
of life, which are the reverse of Spartan. Plato wishes to give his
citizens a taste of Athenian freedom as well as of Lacedaemonian
discipline. His individual genius is purely Athenian, although in theory
he is a lover of Sparta; and he is something more than either--he has
also a true Hellenic feeling. He is desirous of humanizing the wars of
Hellenes against one another; he acknowledges that the Delphian God is
the grand hereditary interpreter of all Hellas. The spirit of harmony
and the Dorian mode are to prevail, and the whole State is to have an
external beauty which is the reflex of the harmony within. But he
has not yet found out the truth which he afterwards enunciated in the
Laws--that he was a better legislator who made men to be of one mind,
than he who trained them for war. The citizens, as in other Hellenic
States, democratic as well as aristocratic, are really an upper class;
for, although no mention is made of slaves, the lower classes are
allowed to fade away into the distance, and are represented in the
individual by the passions. Plato has no idea either of a social State
in which all classes are harmonized, or of a federation of Hellas or
the world in which different nations or States have a place. His city
is equipped for war rather than for peace, and this would seem to be
justified by the ordinary condition of Hellenic States. The myth of the
earth-born men is an embodiment of the orthodox tradition of Hellas,
and the allusion to the four ages of the world is also sanctioned by
the authority of Hesiod and the poets. Thus we see that the Republic is
partly founded on the ideal of the old Greek polis, partly on the actual
circumstances of Hellas in that age. Plato, like the old painters,
retains the traditional form, and like them he has also a vision of a
city in the clouds.

There is yet another thread which is interwoven in the texture of the
work; for the Republic is not only a Dorian State, but a Pythagorean
league. The 'way of life' which was connected with the name of
Pythagoras, like the Catholic monastic orders, showed the power which
the mind of an individual might exercise over his contemporaries, and
may have naturally suggested to Plato the possibility of reviving such
'mediaeval institutions.' The Pythagoreans, like Plato, enforced a rule
of life and a moral and intellectual training. The influence ascribed to
music, which to us seems exaggerated, is also a Pythagorean feature; it
is not to be regarded as representing the real influence of music in
the Greek world. More nearly than any other government of Hellas, the
Pythagorean league of three hundred was an aristocracy of virtue. For
once in the history of mankind the philosophy of order or (Greek),
expressing and consequently enlisting on its side the combined
endeavours of the better part of the people, obtained the management of
public affairs and held possession of it for a considerable time (until
about B.C. 500). Probably only in States prepared by Dorian institutions
would such a league have been possible. The rulers, like Plato's
(Greek), were required to submit to a severe training in order to
prepare the way for the education of the other members of the community.
Long after the dissolution of the Order, eminent Pythagoreans, such as
Archytas of Tarentum, retained their political influence over the cities
of Magna Graecia. There was much here that was suggestive to the kindred
spirit of Plato, who had doubtless meditated deeply on the 'way of life
of Pythagoras' (Rep.) and his followers. Slight traces of Pythagoreanism
are to be found in the mystical number of the State, in the number which
expresses the interval between the king and the tyrant, in the doctrine
of transmigration, in the music of the spheres, as well as in the great
though secondary importance ascribed to mathematics in education.

But as in his philosophy, so also in the form of his State, he goes far
beyond the old Pythagoreans. He attempts a task really impossible, which
is to unite the past of Greek history with the future of philosophy,
analogous to that other impossibility, which has often been the dream
of Christendom, the attempt to unite the past history of Europe with
the kingdom of Christ. Nothing actually existing in the world at all
resembles Plato's ideal State; nor does he himself imagine that such
a State is possible. This he repeats again and again; e.g. in the
Republic, or in the Laws where, casting a glance back on the Republic,
he admits that the perfect state of communism and philosophy was
impossible in his own age, though still to be retained as a pattern.
The same doubt is implied in the earnestness with which he argues in the
Republic that ideals are none the worse because they cannot be realized
in fact, and in the chorus of laughter, which like a breaking wave will,
as he anticipates, greet the mention of his proposals; though like
other writers of fiction, he uses all his art to give reality to his
inventions. When asked how the ideal polity can come into being, he
answers ironically, 'When one son of a king becomes a philosopher'; he
designates the fiction of the earth-born men as 'a noble lie'; and when
the structure is finally complete, he fairly tells you that his Republic
is a vision only, which in some sense may have reality, but not in the
vulgar one of a reign of philosophers upon earth. It has been said that
Plato flies as well as walks, but this falls short of the truth; for he
flies and walks at the same time, and is in the air and on firm ground
in successive instants.

Niebuhr has asked a trifling question, which may be briefly noticed in
this place--Was Plato a good citizen? If by this is meant, Was he loyal
to Athenian institutions?--he can hardly be said to be the friend of
democracy: but neither is he the friend of any other existing form of
government; all of them he regarded as 'states of faction' (Laws); none
attained to his ideal of a voluntary rule over voluntary subjects, which
seems indeed more nearly to describe democracy than any other; and the
worst of them is tyranny. The truth is, that the question has hardly any
meaning when applied to a great philosopher whose writings are not meant
for a particular age and country, but for all time and all mankind. The
decline of Athenian politics was probably the motive which led Plato to
frame an ideal State, and the Republic may be regarded as reflecting the
departing glory of Hellas. As well might we complain of St. Augustine,
whose great work 'The City of God' originated in a similar motive, for
not being loyal to the Roman Empire. Even a nearer parallel might be
afforded by the first Christians, who cannot fairly be charged with
being bad citizens because, though 'subject to the higher powers,' they
were looking forward to a city which is in heaven.

2. The idea of the perfect State is full of paradox when judged of
according to the ordinary notions of mankind. The paradoxes of one age
have been said to become the commonplaces of the next; but the
paradoxes of Plato are at least as paradoxical to us as they were to his
contemporaries. The modern world has either sneered at them as absurd,
or denounced them as unnatural and immoral; men have been pleased to
find in Aristotle's criticisms of them the anticipation of their own
good sense. The wealthy and cultivated classes have disliked and also
dreaded them; they have pointed with satisfaction to the failure of
efforts to realize them in practice. Yet since they are the thoughts of
one of the greatest of human intelligences, and of one who had done
most to elevate morality and religion, they seem to deserve a better
treatment at our hands. We may have to address the public, as Plato does
poetry, and assure them that we mean no harm to existing institutions.
There are serious errors which have a side of truth and which therefore
may fairly demand a careful consideration: there are truths mixed with
error of which we may indeed say, 'The half is better than the whole.'
Yet 'the half' may be an important contribution to the study of human
nature.

(a) The first paradox is the community of goods, which is mentioned
slightly at the end of the third Book, and seemingly, as Aristotle
observes, is confined to the guardians; at least no mention is made of
the other classes. But the omission is not of any real significance, and
probably arises out of the plan of the work, which prevents the writer
from entering into details.

Aristotle censures the community of property much in the spirit of
modern political economy, as tending to repress industry, and as doing
away with the spirit of benevolence. Modern writers almost refuse to
consider the subject, which is supposed to have been long ago settled
by the common opinion of mankind. But it must be remembered that the
sacredness of property is a notion far more fixed in modern than
in ancient times. The world has grown older, and is therefore more
conservative. Primitive society offered many examples of land held in
common, either by a tribe or by a township, and such may probably
have been the original form of landed tenure. Ancient legislators had
invented various modes of dividing and preserving the divisions of land
among the citizens; according to Aristotle there were nations who held
the land in common and divided the produce, and there were others who
divided the land and stored the produce in common. The evils of debt and
the inequality of property were far greater in ancient than in modern
times, and the accidents to which property was subject from war, or
revolution, or taxation, or other legislative interference, were also
greater. All these circumstances gave property a less fixed and sacred
character. The early Christians are believed to have held their property
in common, and the principle is sanctioned by the words of Christ
himself, and has been maintained as a counsel of perfection in almost
all ages of the Church. Nor have there been wanting instances of modern
enthusiasts who have made a religion of communism; in every age of
religious excitement notions like Wycliffe's 'inheritance of grace'
have tended to prevail. A like spirit, but fiercer and more violent,
has appeared in politics. 'The preparation of the Gospel of peace' soon
becomes the red flag of Republicanism.

We can hardly judge what effect Plato's views would have upon his
own contemporaries; they would perhaps have seemed to them only an
exaggeration of the Spartan commonwealth. Even modern writers would
acknowledge that the right of private property is based on expediency,
and may be interfered with in a variety of ways for the public good. Any
other mode of vesting property which was found to be more advantageous,
would in time acquire the same basis of right; 'the most useful,' in
Plato's words, 'would be the most sacred.' The lawyers and ecclesiastics
of former ages would have spoken of property as a sacred institution.
But they only meant by such language to oppose the greatest amount
of resistance to any invasion of the rights of individuals and of the
Church.

When we consider the question, without any fear of immediate application
to practice, in the spirit of Plato's Republic, are we quite sure that
the received notions of property are the best? Is the distribution of
wealth which is customary in civilized countries the most favourable
that can be conceived for the education and development of the mass
of mankind? Can 'the spectator of all time and all existence' be quite
convinced that one or two thousand years hence, great changes will not
have taken place in the rights of property, or even that the very notion
of property, beyond what is necessary for personal maintenance, may not
have disappeared? This was a distinction familiar to Aristotle, though
likely to be laughed at among ourselves. Such a change would not be
greater than some other changes through which the world has passed
in the transition from ancient to modern society, for example, the
emancipation of the serfs in Russia, or the abolition of slavery in
America and the West Indies; and not so great as the difference which
separates the Eastern village community from the Western world. To
accomplish such a revolution in the course of a few centuries, would
imply a rate of progress not more rapid than has actually taken place
during the last fifty or sixty years. The kingdom of Japan underwent
more change in five or six years than Europe in five or six hundred.
Many opinions and beliefs which have been cherished among ourselves
quite as strongly as the sacredness of property have passed away; and
the most untenable propositions respecting the right of bequests or
entail have been maintained with as much fervour as the most moderate.
Some one will be heard to ask whether a state of society can be final in
which the interests of thousands are perilled on the life or character
of a single person. And many will indulge the hope that our present
condition may, after all, be only transitional, and may conduct to a
higher, in which property, besides ministering to the enjoyment of the
few, may also furnish the means of the highest culture to all, and will
be a greater benefit to the public generally, and also more under the
control of public authority. There may come a time when the saying,
'Have I not a right to do what I will with my own?' will appear to be a
barbarous relic of individualism;--when the possession of a part may be
a greater blessing to each and all than the possession of the whole is
now to any one.

Such reflections appear visionary to the eye of the practical statesman,
but they are within the range of possibility to the philosopher. He can
imagine that in some distant age or clime, and through the influence of
some individual, the notion of common property may or might have sunk
as deep into the heart of a race, and have become as fixed to them, as
private property is to ourselves. He knows that this latter institution
is not more than four or five thousand years old: may not the end revert
to the beginning? In our own age even Utopias affect the spirit of
legislation, and an abstract idea may exercise a great influence on
practical politics.

The objections that would be generally urged against Plato's community
of property, are the old ones of Aristotle, that motives for exertion
would be taken away, and that disputes would arise when each was
dependent upon all. Every man would produce as little and consume as
much as he liked. The experience of civilized nations has hitherto been
adverse to Socialism. The effort is too great for human nature; men try
to live in common, but the personal feeling is always breaking in. On
the other hand it may be doubted whether our present notions of property
are not conventional, for they differ in different countries and in
different states of society. We boast of an individualism which is not
freedom, but rather an artificial result of the industrial state
of modern Europe. The individual is nominally free, but he is also
powerless in a world bound hand and foot in the chains of economic
necessity. Even if we cannot expect the mass of mankind to become
disinterested, at any rate we observe in them a power of organization
which fifty years ago would never have been suspected. The same forces
which have revolutionized the political system of Europe, may effect a
similar change in the social and industrial relations of mankind. And if
we suppose the influence of some good as well as neutral motives working
in the community, there will be no absurdity in expecting that the
mass of mankind having power, and becoming enlightened about the higher
possibilities of human life, when they learn how much more is attainable
for all than is at present the possession of a favoured few, may pursue
the common interest with an intelligence and persistency which mankind
have hitherto never seen.

Now that the world has once been set in motion, and is no longer held
fast under the tyranny of custom and ignorance; now that criticism has
pierced the veil of tradition and the past no longer overpowers the
present,--the progress of civilization may be expected to be far greater
and swifter than heretofore. Even at our present rate of speed the point
at which we may arrive in two or three generations is beyond the power
of imagination to foresee. There are forces in the world which work, not
in an arithmetical, but in a geometrical ratio of increase.
Education, to use the expression of Plato, moves like a wheel with
an ever-multiplying rapidity. Nor can we say how great may be its
influence, when it becomes universal,--when it has been inherited by
many generations,--when it is freed from the trammels of superstition
and rightly adapted to the wants and capacities of different classes
of men and women. Neither do we know how much more the co-operation of
minds or of hands may be capable of accomplishing, whether in labour or
in study. The resources of the natural sciences are not half-developed
as yet; the soil of the earth, instead of growing more barren, may
become many times more fertile than hitherto; the uses of machinery far
greater, and also more minute than at present. New secrets of physiology
may be revealed, deeply affecting human nature in its innermost
recesses. The standard of health may be raised and the lives of men
prolonged by sanitary and medical knowledge. There may be peace, there
may be leisure, there may be innocent refreshments of many kinds. The
ever-increasing power of locomotion may join the extremes of earth.
There may be mysterious workings of the human mind, such as occur only
at great crises of history. The East and the West may meet together, and
all nations may contribute their thoughts and their experience to the
common stock of humanity. Many other elements enter into a speculation
of this kind. But it is better to make an end of them. For such
reflections appear to the majority far-fetched, and to men of science,
commonplace.

(b) Neither to the mind of Plato nor of Aristotle did the doctrine of
community of property present at all the same difficulty, or appear to
be the same violation of the common Hellenic sentiment, as the community
of wives and children. This paradox he prefaces by another proposal,
that the occupations of men and women shall be the same, and that to
this end they shall have a common training and education. Male and
female animals have the same pursuits--why not also the two sexes of
man?

But have we not here fallen into a contradiction? for we were saying
that different natures should have different pursuits. How then can men
and women have the same? And is not the proposal inconsistent with our
notion of the division of labour?--These objections are no sooner raised
than answered; for, according to Plato, there is no organic difference
between men and women, but only the accidental one that men beget and
women bear children. Following the analogy of the other animals, he
contends that all natural gifts are scattered about indifferently among
both sexes, though there may be a superiority of degree on the part of
the men. The objection on the score of decency to their taking part
in the same gymnastic exercises, is met by Plato's assertion that the
existing feeling is a matter of habit.

That Plato should have emancipated himself from the ideas of his own
country and from the example of the East, shows a wonderful independence
of mind. He is conscious that women are half the human race, in some
respects the more important half (Laws); and for the sake both of men
and women he desires to raise the woman to a higher level of existence.
He brings, not sentiment, but philosophy to bear upon a question which
both in ancient and modern times has been chiefly regarded in the light
of custom or feeling. The Greeks had noble conceptions of womanhood
in the goddesses Athene and Artemis, and in the heroines Antigone and
Andromache. But these ideals had no counterpart in actual life. The
Athenian woman was in no way the equal of her husband; she was not the
entertainer of his guests or the mistress of his house, but only his
housekeeper and the mother of his children. She took no part in military
or political matters; nor is there any instance in the later ages of
Greece of a woman becoming famous in literature. 'Hers is the greatest
glory who has the least renown among men,' is the historian's conception
of feminine excellence. A very different ideal of womanhood is held up
by Plato to the world; she is to be the companion of the man, and to
share with him in the toils of war and in the cares of government. She
is to be similarly trained both in bodily and mental exercises. She
is to lose as far as possible the incidents of maternity and the
characteristics of the female sex.

The modern antagonist of the equality of the sexes would argue that the
differences between men and women are not confined to the single point
urged by Plato; that sensibility, gentleness, grace, are the qualities
of women, while energy, strength, higher intelligence, are to be looked
for in men. And the criticism is just: the differences affect the whole
nature, and are not, as Plato supposes, confined to a single point. But
neither can we say how far these differences are due to education and
the opinions of mankind, or physically inherited from the habits and
opinions of former generations. Women have been always taught, not
exactly that they are slaves, but that they are in an inferior position,
which is also supposed to have compensating advantages; and to this
position they have conformed. It is also true that the physical form may
easily change in the course of generations through the mode of life; and
the weakness or delicacy, which was once a matter of opinion, may become
a physical fact. The characteristics of sex vary greatly in different
countries and ranks of society, and at different ages in the same
individuals. Plato may have been right in denying that there was any
ultimate difference in the sexes of man other than that which exists in
animals, because all other differences may be conceived to disappear in
other states of society, or under different circumstances of life and
training.

The first wave having been passed, we proceed to the second--community
of wives and children. 'Is it possible? Is it desirable?' For as Glaucon
intimates, and as we far more strongly insist, 'Great doubts may
be entertained about both these points.' Any free discussion of the
question is impossible, and mankind are perhaps right in not allowing
the ultimate bases of social life to be examined. Few of us can safely
enquire into the things which nature hides, any more than we can
dissect our own bodies. Still, the manner in which Plato arrived at his
conclusions should be considered. For here, as Mr. Grote has remarked,
is a wonderful thing, that one of the wisest and best of men should have
entertained ideas of morality which are wholly at variance with our
own. And if we would do Plato justice, we must examine carefully the
character of his proposals. First, we may observe that the relations of
the sexes supposed by him are the reverse of licentious: he seems rather
to aim at an impossible strictness. Secondly, he conceives the family
to be the natural enemy of the state; and he entertains the serious
hope that an universal brotherhood may take the place of private
interests--an aspiration which, although not justified by experience,
has possessed many noble minds. On the other hand, there is no sentiment
or imagination in the connections which men and women are supposed by
him to form; human beings return to the level of the animals, neither
exalting to heaven, nor yet abusing the natural instincts. All that
world of poetry and fancy which the passion of love has called forth
in modern literature and romance would have been banished by Plato. The
arrangements of marriage in the Republic are directed to one object--the
improvement of the race. In successive generations a great development
both of bodily and mental qualities might be possible. The analogy of
animals tends to show that mankind can within certain limits receive a
change of nature. And as in animals we should commonly choose the best
for breeding, and destroy the others, so there must be a selection made
of the human beings whose lives are worthy to be preserved.

We start back horrified from this Platonic ideal, in the belief, first,
that the higher feelings of humanity are far too strong to be crushed
out; secondly, that if the plan could be carried into execution we
should be poorly recompensed by improvements in the breed for the loss
of the best things in life. The greatest regard for the weakest and
meanest of human beings--the infant, the criminal, the insane, the
idiot, truly seems to us one of the noblest results of Christianity. We
have learned, though as yet imperfectly, that the individual man has an
endless value in the sight of God, and that we honour Him when we honour
the darkened and disfigured image of Him (Laws). This is the lesson
which Christ taught in a parable when He said, 'Their angels do always
behold the face of My Father which is in heaven.' Such lessons are only
partially realized in any age; they were foreign to the age of Plato, as
they have very different degrees of strength in different countries or
ages of the Christian world. To the Greek the family was a religious and
customary institution binding the members together by a tie inferior
in strength to that of friendship, and having a less solemn and sacred
sound than that of country. The relationship which existed on the lower
level of custom, Plato imagined that he was raising to the higher level
of nature and reason; while from the modern and Christian point of view
we regard him as sanctioning murder and destroying the first principles
of morality.

The great error in these and similar speculations is that the difference
between man and the animals is forgotten in them. The human being
is regarded with the eye of a dog- or bird-fancier, or at best of a
slave-owner; the higher or human qualities are left out. The breeder
of animals aims chiefly at size or speed or strength; in a few cases at
courage or temper; most often the fitness of the animal for food is the
great desideratum. But mankind are not bred to be eaten, nor yet for
their superiority in fighting or in running or in drawing carts. Neither
does the improvement of the human race consist merely in the increase
of the bones and flesh, but in the growth and enlightenment of the mind.
Hence there must be 'a marriage of true minds' as well as of bodies, of
imagination and reason as well as of lusts and instincts. Men and women
without feeling or imagination are justly called brutes; yet Plato
takes away these qualities and puts nothing in their place, not even
the desire of a noble offspring, since parents are not to know their own
children. The most important transaction of social life, he who is the
idealist philosopher converts into the most brutal. For the pair are to
have no relation to one another, except at the hymeneal festival; their
children are not theirs, but the state's; nor is any tie of affection to
unite them. Yet here the analogy of the animals might have saved
Plato from a gigantic error, if he had 'not lost sight of his own
illustration.' For the 'nobler sort of birds and beasts' nourish and
protect their offspring and are faithful to one another.

An eminent physiologist thinks it worth while 'to try and place life
on a physical basis.' But should not life rest on the moral rather than
upon the physical? The higher comes first, then the lower, first the
human and rational, afterwards the animal. Yet they are not absolutely
divided; and in times of sickness or moments of self-indulgence they
seem to be only different aspects of a common human nature which
includes them both. Neither is the moral the limit of the physical,
but the expansion and enlargement of it,--the highest form which the
physical is capable of receiving. As Plato would say, the body does not
take care of the body, and still less of the mind, but the mind takes
care of both. In all human action not that which is common to man and
the animals is the characteristic element, but that which distinguishes
him from them. Even if we admit the physical basis, and resolve all
virtue into health of body 'la facon que notre sang circule,' still on
merely physical grounds we must come back to ideas. Mind and reason and
duty and conscience, under these or other names, are always reappearing.
There cannot be health of body without health of mind; nor health of
mind without the sense of duty and the love of truth (Charm).

That the greatest of ancient philosophers should in his regulations
about marriage have fallen into the error of separating body and mind,
does indeed appear surprising. Yet the wonder is not so much that Plato
should have entertained ideas of morality which to our own age are
revolting, but that he should have contradicted himself to an extent
which is hardly credible, falling in an instant from the heaven of
idealism into the crudest animalism. Rejoicing in the newly found gift
of reflection, he appears to have thought out a subject about which he
had better have followed the enlightened feeling of his own age. The
general sentiment of Hellas was opposed to his monstrous fancy. The old
poets, and in later time the tragedians, showed no want of respect for
the family, on which much of their religion was based. But the example
of Sparta, and perhaps in some degree the tendency to defy public
opinion, seems to have misled him. He will make one family out of all
the families of the state. He will select the finest specimens of men
and women and breed from these only.

Yet because the illusion is always returning (for the animal part of
human nature will from time to time assert itself in the disguise of
philosophy as well as of poetry), and also because any departure from
established morality, even where this is not intended, is apt to be
unsettling, it may be worth while to draw out a little more at length
the objections to the Platonic marriage. In the first place, history
shows that wherever polygamy has been largely allowed the race has
deteriorated. One man to one woman is the law of God and nature. Nearly
all the civilized peoples of the world at some period before the age of
written records, have become monogamists; and the step when once taken
has never been retraced. The exceptions occurring among Brahmins or
Mahometans or the ancient Persians, are of that sort which may be said
to prove the rule. The connexions formed between superior and
inferior races hardly ever produce a noble offspring, because they are
licentious; and because the children in such cases usually despise the
mother and are neglected by the father who is ashamed of them.
Barbarous nations when they are introduced by Europeans to vice die
out; polygamist peoples either import and adopt children from other
countries, or dwindle in numbers, or both. Dynasties and aristocracies
which have disregarded the laws of nature have decreased in numbers and
degenerated in stature; 'mariages de convenance' leave their enfeebling
stamp on the offspring of them (King Lear). The marriage of near
relations, or the marrying in and in of the same family tends constantly
to weakness or idiocy in the children, sometimes assuming the form as
they grow older of passionate licentiousness. The common prostitute
rarely has any offspring. By such unmistakable evidence is the authority
of morality asserted in the relations of the sexes: and so many more
elements enter into this 'mystery' than are dreamed of by Plato and some
other philosophers.

Recent enquirers have indeed arrived at the conclusion that among
primitive tribes there existed a community of wives as of property, and
that the captive taken by the spear was the only wife or slave whom any
man was permitted to call his own. The partial existence of such customs
among some of the lower races of man, and the survival of peculiar
ceremonies in the marriages of some civilized nations, are thought to
furnish a proof of similar institutions having been once universal.
There can be no question that the study of anthropology has considerably
changed our views respecting the first appearance of man upon the earth.
We know more about the aborigines of the world than formerly, but our
increasing knowledge shows above all things how little we know. With all
the helps which written monuments afford, we do but faintly realize the
condition of man two thousand or three thousand years ago. Of what his
condition was when removed to a distance 200,000 or 300,000 years, when
the majority of mankind were lower and nearer the animals than any tribe
now existing upon the earth, we cannot even entertain conjecture. Plato
(Laws) and Aristotle (Metaph.) may have been more right than we imagine
in supposing that some forms of civilisation were discovered and lost
several times over. If we cannot argue that all barbarism is a degraded
civilization, neither can we set any limits to the depth of degradation
to which the human race may sink through war, disease, or isolation.
And if we are to draw inferences about the origin of marriage from
the practice of barbarous nations, we should also consider the
remoter analogy of the animals. Many birds and animals, especially the
carnivorous, have only one mate, and the love and care of offspring
which seems to be natural is inconsistent with the primitive theory of
marriage. If we go back to an imaginary state in which men were almost
animals and the companions of them, we have as much right to argue from
what is animal to what is human as from the barbarous to the civilized
man. The record of animal life on the globe is fragmentary,--the
connecting links are wanting and cannot be supplied; the record of
social life is still more fragmentary and precarious. Even if we admit
that our first ancestors had no such institution as marriage, still
the stages by which men passed from outer barbarism to the comparative
civilization of China, Assyria, and Greece, or even of the ancient
Germans, are wholly unknown to us.

Such speculations are apt to be unsettling, because they seem to show
that an institution which was thought to be a revelation from heaven, is
only the growth of history and experience. We ask what is the origin of
marriage, and we are told that like the right of property, after many
wars and contests, it has gradually arisen out of the selfishness of
barbarians. We stand face to face with human nature in its primitive
nakedness. We are compelled to accept, not the highest, but the lowest
account of the origin of human society. But on the other hand we
may truly say that every step in human progress has been in the same
direction, and that in the course of ages the idea of marriage and of
the family has been more and more defined and consecrated. The civilized
East is immeasurably in advance of any savage tribes; the Greeks and
Romans have improved upon the East; the Christian nations have been
stricter in their views of the marriage relation than any of the
ancients. In this as in so many other things, instead of looking back
with regret to the past, we should look forward with hope to the future.
We must consecrate that which we believe to be the most holy, and that
'which is the most holy will be the most useful.' There is more reason
for maintaining the sacredness of the marriage tie, when we see the
benefit of it, than when we only felt a vague religious horror about
the violation of it. But in all times of transition, when established
beliefs are being undermined, there is a danger that in the passage from
the old to the new we may insensibly let go the moral principle, finding
an excuse for listening to the voice of passion in the uncertainty of
knowledge, or the fluctuations of opinion. And there are many persons
in our own day who, enlightened by the study of anthropology, and
fascinated by what is new and strange, some using the language of fear,
others of hope, are inclined to believe that a time will come when
through the self-assertion of women, or the rebellious spirit of
children, by the analysis of human relations, or by the force of outward
circumstances, the ties of family life may be broken or greatly relaxed.
They point to societies in America and elsewhere which tend to show that
the destruction of the family need not necessarily involve the overthrow
of all morality. Wherever we may think of such speculations, we can
hardly deny that they have been more rife in this generation than in any
other; and whither they are tending, who can predict?

To the doubts and queries raised by these 'social reformers' respecting
the relation of the sexes and the moral nature of man, there is a
sufficient answer, if any is needed. The difference about them and us is
really one of fact. They are speaking of man as they wish or fancy him
to be, but we are speaking of him as he is. They isolate the animal
part of his nature; we regard him as a creature having many sides, or
aspects, moving between good and evil, striving to rise above himself
and to become 'a little lower than the angels.' We also, to use
a Platonic formula, are not ignorant of the dissatisfactions and
incompatibilities of family life, of the meannesses of trade, of the
flatteries of one class of society by another, of the impediments which
the family throws in the way of lofty aims and aspirations. But we are
conscious that there are evils and dangers in the background greater
still, which are not appreciated, because they are either concealed
or suppressed. What a condition of man would that be, in which human
passions were controlled by no authority, divine or human, in which
there was no shame or decency, no higher affection overcoming or
sanctifying the natural instincts, but simply a rule of health! Is it
for this that we are asked to throw away the civilization which is the
growth of ages?

For strength and health are not the only qualities to be desired; there
are the more important considerations of mind and character and soul. We
know how human nature may be degraded; we do not know how by artificial
means any improvement in the breed can be effected. The problem is a
complex one, for if we go back only four steps (and these at least enter
into the composition of a child), there are commonly thirty progenitors
to be taken into account. Many curious facts, rarely admitting of proof,
are told us respecting the inheritance of disease or character from a
remote ancestor. We can trace the physical resemblances of parents and
children in the same family--

'Sic oculos, sic ille manus, sic ora ferebat';

but scarcely less often the differences which distinguish children both
from their parents and from one another. We are told of similar mental
peculiarities running in families, and again of a tendency, as in
the animals, to revert to a common or original stock. But we have a
difficulty in distinguishing what is a true inheritance of genius or
other qualities, and what is mere imitation or the result of similar
circumstances. Great men and great women have rarely had great fathers
and mothers. Nothing that we know of in the circumstances of their birth
or lineage will explain their appearance. Of the English poets of the
last and two preceding centuries scarcely a descendant remains,--none
have ever been distinguished. So deeply has nature hidden her secret,
and so ridiculous is the fancy which has been entertained by some that
we might in time by suitable marriage arrangements or, as Plato would
have said, 'by an ingenious system of lots,' produce a Shakespeare or
a Milton. Even supposing that we could breed men having the tenacity
of bulldogs, or, like the Spartans, 'lacking the wit to run away
in battle,' would the world be any the better? Many of the noblest
specimens of the human race have been among the weakest physically.
Tyrtaeus or Aesop, or our own Newton, would have been exposed at Sparta;
and some of the fairest and strongest men and women have been among the
wickedest and worst. Not by the Platonic device of uniting the strong
and fair with the strong and fair, regardless of sentiment and morality,
nor yet by his other device of combining dissimilar natures (Statesman),
have mankind gradually passed from the brutality and licentiousness of
primitive marriage to marriage Christian and civilized.

Few persons would deny that we bring into the world an inheritance of
mental and physical qualities derived first from our parents, or through
them from some remoter ancestor, secondly from our race, thirdly from
the general condition of mankind into which we are born. Nothing is
commoner than the remark, that 'So and so is like his father or his
uncle'; and an aged person may not unfrequently note a resemblance in
a youth to a long-forgotten ancestor, observing that 'Nature sometimes
skips a generation.' It may be true also, that if we knew more about
our ancestors, these similarities would be even more striking to us.
Admitting the facts which are thus described in a popular way, we may
however remark that there is no method of difference by which they can
be defined or estimated, and that they constitute only a small part of
each individual. The doctrine of heredity may seem to take out of our
hands the conduct of our own lives, but it is the idea, not the fact,
which is really terrible to us. For what we have received from our
ancestors is only a fraction of what we are, or may become. The
knowledge that drunkenness or insanity has been prevalent in a
family may be the best safeguard against their recurrence in a future
generation. The parent will be most awake to the vices or diseases in
his child of which he is most sensible within himself. The whole of life
may be directed to their prevention or cure. The traces of consumption
may become fainter, or be wholly effaced: the inherent tendency to vice
or crime may be eradicated. And so heredity, from being a curse, may
become a blessing. We acknowledge that in the matter of our birth, as in
our nature generally, there are previous circumstances which affect
us. But upon this platform of circumstances or within this wall of
necessity, we have still the power of creating a life for ourselves by
the informing energy of the human will.

There is another aspect of the marriage question to which Plato is a
stranger. All the children born in his state are foundlings. It never
occurred to him that the greater part of them, according to universal
experience, would have perished. For children can only be brought up in
families. There is a subtle sympathy between the mother and the child
which cannot be supplied by other mothers, or by 'strong nurses one or
more' (Laws). If Plato's 'pen' was as fatal as the Creches of Paris, or
the foundling hospital of Dublin, more than nine-tenths of his children
would have perished. There would have been no need to expose or put
out of the way the weaklier children, for they would have died of
themselves. So emphatically does nature protest against the destruction
of the family.

What Plato had heard or seen of Sparta was applied by him in a mistaken
way to his ideal commonwealth. He probably observed that both the
Spartan men and women were superior in form and strength to the other
Greeks; and this superiority he was disposed to attribute to the laws
and customs relating to marriage. He did not consider that the desire
of a noble offspring was a passion among the Spartans, or that their
physical superiority was to be attributed chiefly, not to their marriage
customs, but to their temperance and training. He did not reflect that
Sparta was great, not in consequence of the relaxation of morality, but
in spite of it, by virtue of a political principle stronger far than
existed in any other Grecian state. Least of all did he observe that
Sparta did not really produce the finest specimens of the Greek
race. The genius, the political inspiration of Athens, the love of
liberty--all that has made Greece famous with posterity, were wanting
among the Spartans. They had no Themistocles, or Pericles, or Aeschylus,
or Sophocles, or Socrates, or Plato. The individual was not allowed to
appear above the state; the laws were fixed, and he had no business to
alter or reform them. Yet whence has the progress of cities and nations
arisen, if not from remarkable individuals, coming into the world we
know not how, and from causes over which we have no control?
Something too much may have been said in modern times of the value of
individuality. But we can hardly condemn too strongly a system which,
instead of fostering the scattered seeds or sparks of genius and
character, tends to smother and extinguish them.

Still, while condemning Plato, we must acknowledge that neither
Christianity, nor any other form of religion and society, has hitherto
been able to cope with this most difficult of social problems, and that
the side from which Plato regarded it is that from which we turn away.
Population is the most untameable force in the political and social
world. Do we not find, especially in large cities, that the greatest
hindrance to the amelioration of the poor is their improvidence in
marriage?--a small fault truly, if not involving endless consequences.
There are whole countries too, such as India, or, nearer home, Ireland,
in which a right solution of the marriage question seems to lie at the
foundation of the happiness of the community. There are too many people
on a given space, or they marry too early and bring into the world a
sickly and half-developed offspring; or owing to the very conditions
of their existence, they become emaciated and hand on a similar life
to their descendants. But who can oppose the voice of prudence to the
'mightiest passions of mankind' (Laws), especially when they have
been licensed by custom and religion? In addition to the influences of
education, we seem to require some new principles of right and wrong in
these matters, some force of opinion, which may indeed be already heard
whispering in private, but has never affected the moral sentiments
of mankind in general. We unavoidably lose sight of the principle of
utility, just in that action of our lives in which we have the most need
of it. The influences which we can bring to bear upon this question
are chiefly indirect. In a generation or two, education, emigration,
improvements in agriculture and manufactures, may have provided the
solution. The state physician hardly likes to probe the wound: it is
beyond his art; a matter which he cannot safely let alone, but which he
dare not touch:

'We do but skin and film the ulcerous place.'

When again in private life we see a whole family one by one dropping
into the grave under the Ate of some inherited malady, and the parents
perhaps surviving them, do our minds ever go back silently to that day
twenty-five or thirty years before on which under the fairest auspices,
amid the rejoicings of friends and acquaintances, a bride and bridegroom
joined hands with one another? In making such a reflection we are not
opposing physical considerations to moral, but moral to physical; we are
seeking to make the voice of reason heard, which drives us back from the
extravagance of sentimentalism on common sense. The late Dr. Combe is
said by his biographer to have resisted the temptation to marriage,
because he knew that he was subject to hereditary consumption. One who
deserved to be called a man of genius, a friend of my youth, was in the
habit of wearing a black ribbon on his wrist, in order to remind him
that, being liable to outbreaks of insanity, he must not give way to the
natural impulses of affection: he died unmarried in a lunatic asylum.
These two little facts suggest the reflection that a very few persons
have done from a sense of duty what the rest of mankind ought to have
done under like circumstances, if they had allowed themselves to think
of all the misery which they were about to bring into the world. If
we could prevent such marriages without any violation of feeling or
propriety, we clearly ought; and the prohibition in the course of time
would be protected by a 'horror naturalis' similar to that which, in
all civilized ages and countries, has prevented the marriage of near
relations by blood. Mankind would have been the happier, if some things
which are now allowed had from the beginning been denied to them; if the
sanction of religion could have prohibited practices inimical to health;
if sanitary principles could in early ages have been invested with a
superstitious awe. But, living as we do far on in the world's history,
we are no longer able to stamp at once with the impress of religion a
new prohibition. A free agent cannot have his fancies regulated by law;
and the execution of the law would be rendered impossible, owing to the
uncertainty of the cases in which marriage was to be forbidden. Who
can weigh virtue, or even fortune against health, or moral and mental
qualities against bodily? Who can measure probabilities against
certainties? There has been some good as well as evil in the discipline
of suffering; and there are diseases, such as consumption, which have
exercised a refining and softening influence on the character. Youth is
too inexperienced to balance such nice considerations; parents do not
often think of them, or think of them too late. They are at a distance
and may probably be averted; change of place, a new state of life, the
interests of a home may be the cure of them. So persons vainly reason
when their minds are already made up and their fortunes irrevocably
linked together. Nor is there any ground for supposing that marriages
are to any great extent influenced by reflections of this sort, which
seem unable to make any head against the irresistible impulse of
individual attachment.

Lastly, no one can have observed the first rising flood of the passions
in youth, the difficulty of regulating them, and the effects on the
whole mind and nature which follow from them, the stimulus which
is given to them by the imagination, without feeling that there is
something unsatisfactory in our method of treating them. That the most
important influence on human life should be wholly left to chance or
shrouded in mystery, and instead of being disciplined or understood,
should be required to conform only to an external standard of
propriety--cannot be regarded by the philosopher as a safe or
satisfactory condition of human things. And still those who have the
charge of youth may find a way by watchfulness, by affection, by the
manliness and innocence of their own lives, by occasional hints, by
general admonitions which every one can apply for himself, to mitigate
this terrible evil which eats out the heart of individuals and corrupts
the moral sentiments of nations. In no duty towards others is there more
need of reticence and self-restraint. So great is the danger lest he who
would be the counsellor of another should reveal the secret prematurely,
lest he should get another too much into his power; or fix the passing
impression of evil by demanding the confession of it.

Nor is Plato wrong in asserting that family attachments may interfere
with higher aims. If there have been some who 'to party gave up what was
meant for mankind,' there have certainly been others who to family
gave up what was meant for mankind or for their country. The cares
of children, the necessity of procuring money for their support, the
flatteries of the rich by the poor, the exclusiveness of caste, the
pride of birth or wealth, the tendency of family life to divert men from
the pursuit of the ideal or the heroic, are as lowering in our own age
as in that of Plato. And if we prefer to look at the gentle influences
of home, the development of the affections, the amenities of society,
the devotion of one member of a family for the good of the others, which
form one side of the picture, we must not quarrel with him, or perhaps
ought rather to be grateful to him, for having presented to us the
reverse. Without attempting to defend Plato on grounds of morality, we
may allow that there is an aspect of the world which has not unnaturally
led him into error.

We hardly appreciate the power which the idea of the State, like all
other abstract ideas, exercised over the mind of Plato. To us the State
seems to be built up out of the family, or sometimes to be the framework
in which family and social life is contained. But to Plato in his
present mood of mind the family is only a disturbing influence which,
instead of filling up, tends to disarrange the higher unity of the
State. No organization is needed except a political, which,
regarded from another point of view, is a military one. The State is
all-sufficing for the wants of man, and, like the idea of the Church in
later ages, absorbs all other desires and affections. In time of war the
thousand citizens are to stand like a rampart impregnable against the
world or the Persian host; in time of peace the preparation for war and
their duties to the State, which are also their duties to one another,
take up their whole life and time. The only other interest which is
allowed to them besides that of war, is the interest of philosophy. When
they are too old to be soldiers they are to retire from active life
and to have a second novitiate of study and contemplation. There is an
element of monasticism even in Plato's communism. If he could have done
without children, he might have converted his Republic into a religious
order. Neither in the Laws, when the daylight of common sense breaks in
upon him, does he retract his error. In the state of which he would be
the founder, there is no marrying or giving in marriage: but because of
the infirmity of mankind, he condescends to allow the law of nature to
prevail.

(c) But Plato has an equal, or, in his own estimation, even greater
paradox in reserve, which is summed up in the famous text, 'Until kings
are philosophers or philosophers are kings, cities will never cease
from ill.' And by philosophers he explains himself to mean those who
are capable of apprehending ideas, especially the idea of good. To the
attainment of this higher knowledge the second education is directed.
Through a process of training which has already made them good citizens
they are now to be made good legislators. We find with some surprise
(not unlike the feeling which Aristotle in a well-known passage
describes the hearers of Plato's lectures as experiencing, when they
went to a discourse on the idea of good, expecting to be instructed in
moral truths, and received instead of them arithmetical and mathematical
formulae) that Plato does not propose for his future legislators any
study of finance or law or military tactics, but only of abstract
mathematics, as a preparation for the still more abstract conception of
good. We ask, with Aristotle, What is the use of a man knowing the idea
of good, if he does not know what is good for this individual, this
state, this condition of society? We cannot understand how Plato's
legislators or guardians are to be fitted for their work of statesmen by
the study of the five mathematical sciences. We vainly search in Plato's
own writings for any explanation of this seeming absurdity.

The discovery of a great metaphysical conception seems to ravish the
mind with a prophetic consciousness which takes away the power
of estimating its value. No metaphysical enquirer has ever fairly
criticised his own speculations; in his own judgment they have been
above criticism; nor has he understood that what to him seemed to be
absolute truth may reappear in the next generation as a form of logic
or an instrument of thought. And posterity have also sometimes equally
misapprehended the real value of his speculations. They appear to them
to have contributed nothing to the stock of human knowledge. The IDEA
of good is apt to be regarded by the modern thinker as an unmeaning
abstraction; but he forgets that this abstraction is waiting ready for
use, and will hereafter be filled up by the divisions of knowledge.
When mankind do not as yet know that the world is subject to law, the
introduction of the mere conception of law or design or final cause, and
the far-off anticipation of the harmony of knowledge, are great steps
onward. Even the crude generalization of the unity of all things leads
men to view the world with different eyes, and may easily affect their
conception of human life and of politics, and also their own conduct and
character (Tim). We can imagine how a great mind like that of Pericles
might derive elevation from his intercourse with Anaxagoras (Phaedr.).
To be struggling towards a higher but unattainable conception is a more
favourable intellectual condition than to rest satisfied in a narrow
portion of ascertained fact. And the earlier, which have sometimes been
the greater ideas of science, are often lost sight of at a later period.
How rarely can we say of any modern enquirer in the magnificent language
of Plato, that 'He is the spectator of all time and of all existence!'

Nor is there anything unnatural in the hasty application of these vast
metaphysical conceptions to practical and political life. In the first
enthusiasm of ideas men are apt to see them everywhere, and to apply
them in the most remote sphere. They do not understand that the
experience of ages is required to enable them to fill up 'the
intermediate axioms.' Plato himself seems to have imagined that the
truths of psychology, like those of astronomy and harmonics, would be
arrived at by a process of deduction, and that the method which he has
pursued in the Fourth Book, of inferring them from experience and the
use of language, was imperfect and only provisional. But when, after
having arrived at the idea of good, which is the end of the science of
dialectic, he is asked, What is the nature, and what are the divisions
of the science? He refuses to answer, as if intending by the refusal to
intimate that the state of knowledge which then existed was not such as
would allow the philosopher to enter into his final rest. The previous
sciences must first be studied, and will, we may add, continue to be
studied tell the end of time, although in a sense different from any
which Plato could have conceived. But we may observe, that while he is
aware of the vacancy of his own ideal, he is full of enthusiasm in the
contemplation of it. Looking into the orb of light, he sees nothing, but
he is warmed and elevated. The Hebrew prophet believed that faith in
God would enable him to govern the world; the Greek philosopher imagined
that contemplation of the good would make a legislator. There is as much
to be filled up in the one case as in the other, and the one mode of
conception is to the Israelite what the other is to the Greek. Both find
a repose in a divine perfection, which, whether in a more personal or
impersonal form, exists without them and independently of them, as well
as within them.

There is no mention of the idea of good in the Timaeus, nor of the
divine Creator of the world in the Republic; and we are naturally led
to ask in what relation they stand to one another. Is God above or below
the idea of good? Or is the Idea of Good another mode of conceiving God?
The latter appears to be the truer answer. To the Greek philosopher
the perfection and unity of God was a far higher conception than his
personality, which he hardly found a word to express, and which to him
would have seemed to be borrowed from mythology. To the Christian, on
the other hand, or to the modern thinker in general, it is difficult,
if not impossible, to attach reality to what he terms mere abstraction;
while to Plato this very abstraction is the truest and most real of all
things. Hence, from a difference in forms of thought, Plato appears to
be resting on a creation of his own mind only. But if we may be allowed
to paraphrase the idea of good by the words 'intelligent principle of
law and order in the universe, embracing equally man and nature,' we
begin to find a meeting-point between him and ourselves.

The question whether the ruler or statesman should be a philosopher is
one that has not lost interest in modern times. In most countries of
Europe and Asia there has been some one in the course of ages who
has truly united the power of command with the power of thought and
reflection, as there have been also many false combinations of these
qualities. Some kind of speculative power is necessary both in practical
and political life; like the rhetorician in the Phaedrus, men require to
have a conception of the varieties of human character, and to be raised
on great occasions above the commonplaces of ordinary life. Yet the idea
of the philosopher-statesman has never been popular with the mass of
mankind; partly because he cannot take the world into his confidence or
make them understand the motives from which he acts; and also because
they are jealous of a power which they do not understand. The revolution
which human nature desires to effect step by step in many ages is likely
to be precipitated by him in a single year or life. They are afraid that
in the pursuit of his greater aims he may disregard the common feelings
of humanity, he is too apt to be looking into the distant future or back
into the remote past, and unable to see actions or events which, to use
an expression of Plato's 'are tumbling out at his feet.' Besides, as
Plato would say, there are other corruptions of these philosophical
statesmen. Either 'the native hue of resolution is sicklied o'er with
the pale cast of thought,' and at the moment when action above all
things is required he is undecided, or general principles are enunciated
by him in order to cover some change of policy; or his ignorance of the
world has made him more easily fall a prey to the arts of others; or in
some cases he has been converted into a courtier, who enjoys the luxury
of holding liberal opinions, but was never known to perform a liberal
action. No wonder that mankind have been in the habit of calling
statesmen of this class pedants, sophisters, doctrinaires, visionaries.
For, as we may be allowed to say, a little parodying the words of Plato,
'they have seen bad imitations of the philosopher-statesman.' But a man
in whom the power of thought and action are perfectly balanced, equal to
the present, reaching forward to the future, 'such a one,' ruling in a
constitutional state, 'they have never seen.'

But as the philosopher is apt to fail in the routine of political life,
so the ordinary statesman is also apt to fail in extraordinary crises.
When the face of the world is beginning to alter, and thunder is heard
in the distance, he is still guided by his old maxims, and is the slave
of his inveterate party prejudices; he cannot perceive the signs of the
times; instead of looking forward he looks back; he learns nothing and
forgets nothing; with 'wise saws and modern instances' he would stem the
rising tide of revolution. He lives more and more within the circle of
his own party, as the world without him becomes stronger. This seems to
be the reason why the old order of things makes so poor a figure
when confronted with the new, why churches can never reform, why most
political changes are made blindly and convulsively. The great crises
in the history of nations have often been met by an ecclesiastical
positiveness, and a more obstinate reassertion of principles which
have lost their hold upon a nation. The fixed ideas of a reactionary
statesman may be compared to madness; they grow upon him, and he becomes
possessed by them; no judgement of others is ever admitted by him to be
weighed in the balance against his own.

(d) Plato, labouring under what, to modern readers, appears to have been
a confusion of ideas, assimilates the state to the individual, and fails
to distinguish Ethics from Politics. He thinks that to be most of a
state which is most like one man, and in which the citizens have the
greatest uniformity of character. He does not see that the analogy is
partly fallacious, and that the will or character of a state or nation
is really the balance or rather the surplus of individual wills, which
are limited by the condition of having to act in common. The movement
of a body of men can never have the pliancy or facility of a single man;
the freedom of the individual, which is always limited, becomes still
more straitened when transferred to a nation. The powers of action and
feeling are necessarily weaker and more balanced when they are diffused
through a community; whence arises the often discussed question, 'Can a
nation, like an individual, have a conscience?' We hesitate to say
that the characters of nations are nothing more than the sum of the
characters of the individuals who compose them; because there may be
tendencies in individuals which react upon one another. A whole nation
may be wiser than any one man in it; or may be animated by some common
opinion or feeling which could not equally have affected the mind of
a single person, or may have been inspired by a leader of genius to
perform acts more than human. Plato does not appear to have analysed
the complications which arise out of the collective action of mankind.
Neither is he capable of seeing that analogies, though specious as
arguments, may often have no foundation in fact, or of distinguishing
between what is intelligible or vividly present to the mind, and what
is true. In this respect he is far below Aristotle, who is comparatively
seldom imposed upon by false analogies. He cannot disentangle the arts
from the virtues--at least he is always arguing from one to the other.
His notion of music is transferred from harmony of sounds to harmony of
life: in this he is assisted by the ambiguities of language as well as
by the prevalence of Pythagorean notions. And having once assimilated
the state to the individual, he imagines that he will find the
succession of states paralleled in the lives of individuals.

Still, through this fallacious medium, a real enlargement of ideas is
attained. When the virtues as yet presented no distinct conception to
the mind, a great advance was made by the comparison of them with the
arts; for virtue is partly art, and has an outward form as well as an
inward principle. The harmony of music affords a lively image of the
harmonies of the world and of human life, and may be regarded as a
splendid illustration which was naturally mistaken for a real analogy.
In the same way the identification of ethics with politics has a
tendency to give definiteness to ethics, and also to elevate and ennoble
men's notions of the aims of government and of the duties of citizens;
for ethics from one point of view may be conceived as an idealized law
and politics; and politics, as ethics reduced to the conditions of human
society. There have been evils which have arisen out of the attempt to
identify them, and this has led to the separation or antagonism of
them, which has been introduced by modern political writers. But we may
likewise feel that something has been lost in their separation, and
that the ancient philosophers who estimated the moral and intellectual
wellbeing of mankind first, and the wealth of nations and individuals
second, may have a salutary influence on the speculations of modern
times. Many political maxims originate in a reaction against an opposite
error; and when the errors against which they were directed have passed
away, they in turn become errors.

3. Plato's views of education are in several respects remarkable;
like the rest of the Republic they are partly Greek and partly ideal,
beginning with the ordinary curriculum of the Greek youth, and extending
to after-life. Plato is the first writer who distinctly says that
education is to comprehend the whole of life, and to be a preparation
for another in which education begins again. This is the continuous
thread which runs through the Republic, and which more than any other of
his ideas admits of an application to modern life.

He has long given up the notion that virtue cannot be taught; and he is
disposed to modify the thesis of the Protagoras, that the virtues are
one and not many. He is not unwilling to admit the sensible world
into his scheme of truth. Nor does he assert in the Republic the
involuntariness of vice, which is maintained by him in the Timaeus,
Sophist, and Laws (Protag., Apol., Gorg.). Nor do the so-called Platonic
ideas recovered from a former state of existence affect his theory
of mental improvement. Still we observe in him the remains of the old
Socratic doctrine, that true knowledge must be elicited from within, and
is to be sought for in ideas, not in particulars of sense. Education, as
he says, will implant a principle of intelligence which is better than
ten thousand eyes. The paradox that the virtues are one, and the kindred
notion that all virtue is knowledge, are not entirely renounced; the
first is seen in the supremacy given to justice over the rest; the
second in the tendency to absorb the moral virtues in the intellectual,
and to centre all goodness in the contemplation of the idea of good. The
world of sense is still depreciated and identified with opinion, though
admitted to be a shadow of the true. In the Republic he is evidently
impressed with the conviction that vice arises chiefly from ignorance
and may be cured by education; the multitude are hardly to be deemed
responsible for what they do. A faint allusion to the doctrine of
reminiscence occurs in the Tenth Book; but Plato's views of education
have no more real connection with a previous state of existence than
our own; he only proposes to elicit from the mind that which is there
already. Education is represented by him, not as the filling of a
vessel, but as the turning the eye of the soul towards the light.

He treats first of music or literature, which he divides into true and
false, and then goes on to gymnastics; of infancy in the Republic he
takes no notice, though in the Laws he gives sage counsels about the
nursing of children and the management of the mothers, and would have
an education which is even prior to birth. But in the Republic he begins
with the age at which the child is capable of receiving ideas, and
boldly asserts, in language which sounds paradoxical to modern ears,
that he must be taught the false before he can learn the true. The
modern and ancient philosophical world are not agreed about truth and
falsehood; the one identifies truth almost exclusively with fact, the
other with ideas. This is the difference between ourselves and Plato,
which is, however, partly a difference of words. For we too should admit
that a child must receive many lessons which he imperfectly understands;
he must be taught some things in a figure only, some too which he can
hardly be expected to believe when he grows older; but we should limit
the use of fiction by the necessity of the case. Plato would draw the
line differently; according to him the aim of early education is not
truth as a matter of fact, but truth as a matter of principle; the child
is to be taught first simple religious truths, and then simple moral
truths, and insensibly to learn the lesson of good manners and good
taste. He would make an entire reformation of the old mythology; like
Xenophanes and Heracleitus he is sensible of the deep chasm which
separates his own age from Homer and Hesiod, whom he quotes and invests
with an imaginary authority, but only for his own purposes. The lusts
and treacheries of the gods are to be banished; the terrors of the world
below are to be dispelled; the misbehaviour of the Homeric heroes is
not to be a model for youth. But there is another strain heard in Homer
which may teach our youth endurance; and something may be learnt in
medicine from the simple practice of the Homeric age. The principles
on which religion is to be based are two only: first, that God is true;
secondly, that he is good. Modern and Christian writers have often
fallen short of these; they can hardly be said to have gone beyond them.

The young are to be brought up in happy surroundings, out of the way of
sights or sounds which may hurt the character or vitiate the taste.
They are to live in an atmosphere of health; the breeze is always to
be wafting to them the impressions of truth and goodness. Could such
an education be realized, or if our modern religious education could
be bound up with truth and virtue and good manners and good taste, that
would be the best hope of human improvement. Plato, like ourselves,
is looking forward to changes in the moral and religious world, and is
preparing for them. He recognizes the danger of unsettling young men's
minds by sudden changes of laws and principles, by destroying the
sacredness of one set of ideas when there is nothing else to take their
place. He is afraid too of the influence of the drama, on the ground
that it encourages false sentiment, and therefore he would not have
his children taken to the theatre; he thinks that the effect on the
spectators is bad, and on the actors still worse. His idea of education
is that of harmonious growth, in which are insensibly learnt the lessons
of temperance and endurance, and the body and mind develope in equal
proportions. The first principle which runs through all art and nature
is simplicity; this also is to be the rule of human life.

The second stage of education is gymnastic, which answers to the period
of muscular growth and development. The simplicity which is enforced in
music is extended to gymnastic; Plato is aware that the training of the
body may be inconsistent with the training of the mind, and that bodily
exercise may be easily overdone. Excessive training of the body is
apt to give men a headache or to render them sleepy at a lecture on
philosophy, and this they attribute not to the true cause, but to the
nature of the subject. Two points are noticeable in Plato's treatment of
gymnastic:--First, that the time of training is entirely separated from
the time of literary education. He seems to have thought that two things
of an opposite and different nature could not be learnt at the same
time. Here we can hardly agree with him; and, if we may judge by
experience, the effect of spending three years between the ages of
fourteen and seventeen in mere bodily exercise would be far from
improving to the intellect. Secondly, he affirms that music and
gymnastic are not, as common opinion is apt to imagine, intended, the
one for the cultivation of the mind and the other of the body, but that
they are both equally designed for the improvement of the mind. The
body, in his view, is the servant of the mind; the subjection of the
lower to the higher is for the advantage of both. And doubtless the
mind may exercise a very great and paramount influence over the body,
if exerted not at particular moments and by fits and starts, but
continuously, in making preparation for the whole of life. Other Greek
writers saw the mischievous tendency of Spartan discipline (Arist. Pol;
Thuc.). But only Plato recognized the fundamental error on which the
practice was based.

The subject of gymnastic leads Plato to the sister subject of medicine,
which he further illustrates by the parallel of law. The modern
disbelief in medicine has led in this, as in some other departments of
knowledge, to a demand for greater simplicity; physicians are becoming
aware that they often make diseases 'greater and more complicated' by
their treatment of them (Rep.). In two thousand years their art has made
but slender progress; what they have gained in the analysis of the parts
is in a great degree lost by their feebler conception of the human frame
as a whole. They have attended more to the cure of diseases than to the
conditions of health; and the improvements in medicine have been more
than counterbalanced by the disuse of regular training. Until lately
they have hardly thought of air and water, the importance of which was
well understood by the ancients; as Aristotle remarks, 'Air and water,
being the elements which we most use, have the greatest effect upon
health' (Polit.). For ages physicians have been under the dominion of
prejudices which have only recently given way; and now there are as many
opinions in medicine as in theology, and an equal degree of scepticism
and some want of toleration about both. Plato has several good notions
about medicine; according to him, 'the eye cannot be cured without the
rest of the body, nor the body without the mind' (Charm.). No man
of sense, he says in the Timaeus, would take physic; and we heartily
sympathize with him in the Laws when he declares that 'the limbs of the
rustic worn with toil will derive more benefit from warm baths than from
the prescriptions of a not over wise doctor.' But we can hardly praise
him when, in obedience to the authority of Homer, he depreciates diet,
or approve of the inhuman spirit in which he would get rid of invalid
and useless lives by leaving them to die. He does not seem to have
considered that the 'bridle of Theages' might be accompanied by
qualities which were of far more value to the State than the health
or strength of the citizens; or that the duty of taking care of the
helpless might be an important element of education in a State. The
physician himself (this is a delicate and subtle observation) should
not be a man in robust health; he should have, in modern phraseology,
a nervous temperament; he should have experience of disease in his own
person, in order that his powers of observation may be quickened in the
case of others.

The perplexity of medicine is paralleled by the perplexity of law; in
which, again, Plato would have men follow the golden rule of simplicity.
Greater matters are to be determined by the legislator or by the oracle
of Delphi, lesser matters are to be left to the temporary regulation
of the citizens themselves. Plato is aware that laissez faire is an
important element of government. The diseases of a State are like the
heads of a hydra; they multiply when they are cut off. The true remedy
for them is not extirpation but prevention. And the way to prevent them
is to take care of education, and education will take care of all the
rest. So in modern times men have often felt that the only political
measure worth having--the only one which would produce any certain or
lasting effect, was a measure of national education. And in our own more
than in any previous age the necessity has been recognized of restoring
the ever-increasing confusion of law to simplicity and common sense.

When the training in music and gymnastic is completed, there follows the
first stage of active and public life. But soon education is to begin
again from a new point of view. In the interval between the Fourth and
Seventh Books we have discussed the nature of knowledge, and have thence
been led to form a higher conception of what was required of us. For
true knowledge, according to Plato, is of abstractions, and has to do,
not with particulars or individuals, but with universals only; not with
the beauties of poetry, but with the ideas of philosophy. And the great
aim of education is the cultivation of the habit of abstraction. This
is to be acquired through the study of the mathematical sciences. They
alone are capable of giving ideas of relation, and of arousing the
dormant energies of thought.

Mathematics in the age of Plato comprehended a very small part of that
which is now included in them; but they bore a much larger proportion to
the sum of human knowledge. They were the only organon of thought which
the human mind at that time possessed, and the only measure by which
the chaos of particulars could be reduced to rule and order. The
faculty which they trained was naturally at war with the poetical
or imaginative; and hence to Plato, who is everywhere seeking for
abstractions and trying to get rid of the illusions of sense, nearly
the whole of education is contained in them. They seemed to have an
inexhaustible application, partly because their true limits were not yet
understood. These Plato himself is beginning to investigate; though
not aware that number and figure are mere abstractions of sense,
he recognizes that the forms used by geometry are borrowed from the
sensible world. He seeks to find the ultimate ground of mathematical
ideas in the idea of good, though he does not satisfactorily explain the
connexion between them; and in his conception of the relation of ideas
to numbers, he falls very far short of the definiteness attributed to
him by Aristotle (Met.). But if he fails to recognize the true limits of
mathematics, he also reaches a point beyond them; in his view, ideas
of number become secondary to a higher conception of knowledge. The
dialectician is as much above the mathematician as the mathematician is
above the ordinary man. The one, the self-proving, the good which is
the higher sphere of dialectic, is the perfect truth to which all things
ascend, and in which they finally repose.

This self-proving unity or idea of good is a mere vision of which no
distinct explanation can be given, relative only to a particular stage
in Greek philosophy. It is an abstraction under which no individuals
are comprehended, a whole which has no parts (Arist., Nic. Eth.). The
vacancy of such a form was perceived by Aristotle, but not by Plato.
Nor did he recognize that in the dialectical process are included two or
more methods of investigation which are at variance with each other.
He did not see that whether he took the longer or the shorter road, no
advance could be made in this way. And yet such visions often have an
immense effect; for although the method of science cannot anticipate
science, the idea of science, not as it is, but as it will be in the
future, is a great and inspiring principle. In the pursuit of knowledge
we are always pressing forward to something beyond us; and as a false
conception of knowledge, for example the scholastic philosophy, may lead
men astray during many ages, so the true ideal, though vacant, may draw
all their thoughts in a right direction. It makes a great difference
whether the general expectation of knowledge, as this indefinite feeling
may be termed, is based upon a sound judgment. For mankind may often
entertain a true conception of what knowledge ought to be when they have
but a slender experience of facts. The correlation of the sciences, the
consciousness of the unity of nature, the idea of classification, the
sense of proportion, the unwillingness to stop short of certainty or to
confound probability with truth, are important principles of the higher
education. Although Plato could tell us nothing, and perhaps knew that
he could tell us nothing, of the absolute truth, he has exercised
an influence on the human mind which even at the present day is not
exhausted; and political and social questions may yet arise in which the
thoughts of Plato may be read anew and receive a fresh meaning.

The Idea of good is so called only in the Republic, but there are traces
of it in other dialogues of Plato. It is a cause as well as an idea, and
from this point of view may be compared with the creator of the Timaeus,
who out of his goodness created all things. It corresponds to a certain
extent with the modern conception of a law of nature, or of a final
cause, or of both in one, and in this regard may be connected with the
measure and symmetry of the Philebus. It is represented in the Symposium
under the aspect of beauty, and is supposed to be attained there by
stages of initiation, as here by regular gradations of knowledge. Viewed
subjectively, it is the process or science of dialectic. This is the
science which, according to the Phaedrus, is the true basis of rhetoric,
which alone is able to distinguish the natures and classes of men and
things; which divides a whole into the natural parts, and reunites the
scattered parts into a natural or organized whole; which defines the
abstract essences or universal ideas of all things, and connects them;
which pierces the veil of hypotheses and reaches the final cause or
first principle of all; which regards the sciences in relation to the
idea of good. This ideal science is the highest process of thought,
and may be described as the soul conversing with herself or holding
communion with eternal truth and beauty, and in another form is
the everlasting question and answer--the ceaseless interrogative of
Socrates. The dialogues of Plato are themselves examples of the nature
and method of dialectic. Viewed objectively, the idea of good is a power
or cause which makes the world without us correspond with the world
within. Yet this world without us is still a world of ideas. With Plato
the investigation of nature is another department of knowledge, and in
this he seeks to attain only probable conclusions (Timaeus).

If we ask whether this science of dialectic which Plato only half
explains to us is more akin to logic or to metaphysics, the answer is
that in his mind the two sciences are not as yet distinguished, any more
than the subjective and objective aspects of the world and of man, which
German philosophy has revealed to us. Nor has he determined whether
his science of dialectic is at rest or in motion, concerned with the
contemplation of absolute being, or with a process of development
and evolution. Modern metaphysics may be described as the science of
abstractions, or as the science of the evolution of thought; modern
logic, when passing beyond the bounds of mere Aristotelian forms, may be
defined as the science of method. The germ of both of them is contained
in the Platonic dialectic; all metaphysicians have something in common
with the ideas of Plato; all logicians have derived something from
the method of Plato. The nearest approach in modern philosophy to the
universal science of Plato, is to be found in the Hegelian 'succession
of moments in the unity of the idea.' Plato and Hegel alike seem to
have conceived the world as the correlation of abstractions; and not
impossibly they would have understood one another better than any of
their commentators understand them (Swift's Voyage to Laputa. 'Having
a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for wit and
learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I proposed that Homer and
Aristotle might appear at the head of all their commentators; but these
were so numerous that some hundreds were forced to attend in the court
and outward rooms of the palace. I knew, and could distinguish these two
heroes, at first sight, not only from the crowd, but from each other.
Homer was the taller and comelier person of the two, walked very erect
for one of his age, and his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever
beheld. Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a staff. His visage was
meagre, his hair lank and thin, and his voice hollow. I soon discovered
that both of them were perfect strangers to the rest of the company,
and had never seen or heard of them before. And I had a whisper from a
ghost, who shall be nameless, "That these commentators always kept in
the most distant quarters from their principals, in the lower world,
through a consciousness of shame and guilt, because they had so horribly
misrepresented the meaning of these authors to posterity." I introduced
Didymus and Eustathius to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them
better than perhaps they deserved, for he soon found they wanted a
genius to enter into the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was out of all
patience with the account I gave him of Scotus and Ramus, as I presented
them to him; and he asked them "whether the rest of the tribe were as
great dunces as themselves?"'). There is, however, a difference between
them: for whereas Hegel is thinking of all the minds of men as one mind,
which developes the stages of the idea in different countries or at
different times in the same country, with Plato these gradations are
regarded only as an order of thought or ideas; the history of the human
mind had not yet dawned upon him.

Many criticisms may be made on Plato's theory of education. While in
some respects he unavoidably falls short of modern thinkers, in others
he is in advance of them. He is opposed to the modes of education which
prevailed in his own time; but he can hardly be said to have discovered
new ones. He does not see that education is relative to the characters
of individuals; he only desires to impress the same form of the state on
the minds of all. He has no sufficient idea of the effect of literature
on the formation of the mind, and greatly exaggerates that of
mathematics. His aim is above all things to train the reasoning
faculties; to implant in the mind the spirit and power of abstraction;
to explain and define general notions, and, if possible, to connect
them. No wonder that in the vacancy of actual knowledge his followers,
and at times even he himself, should have fallen away from the doctrine
of ideas, and have returned to that branch of knowledge in which alone
the relation of the one and many can be truly seen--the science of
number. In his views both of teaching and training he might be styled,
in modern language, a doctrinaire; after the Spartan fashion he would
have his citizens cast in one mould; he does not seem to consider that
some degree of freedom, 'a little wholesome neglect,' is necessary to
strengthen and develope the character and to give play to the individual
nature. His citizens would not have acquired that knowledge which in
the vision of Er is supposed to be gained by the pilgrims from their
experience of evil.

On the other hand, Plato is far in advance of modern philosophers and
theologians when he teaches that education is to be continued through
life and will begin again in another. He would never allow education of
some kind to cease; although he was aware that the proverbial saying of
Solon, 'I grow old learning many things,' cannot be applied literally.
Himself ravished with the contemplation of the idea of good, and
delighting in solid geometry (Rep.), he has no difficulty in imagining
that a lifetime might be passed happily in such pursuits. We who know
how many more men of business there are in the world than real students
or thinkers, are not equally sanguine. The education which he proposes
for his citizens is really the ideal life of the philosopher or man of
genius, interrupted, but only for a time, by practical duties,--a life
not for the many, but for the few.

Yet the thought of Plato may not be wholly incapable of application to
our own times. Even if regarded as an ideal which can never be realized,
it may have a great effect in elevating the characters of mankind,
and raising them above the routine of their ordinary occupation or
profession. It is the best form under which we can conceive the whole
of life. Nevertheless the idea of Plato is not easily put into practice.
For the education of after life is necessarily the education which each
one gives himself. Men and women cannot be brought together in schools
or colleges at forty or fifty years of age; and if they could the result
would be disappointing. The destination of most men is what Plato would
call 'the Den' for the whole of life, and with that they are content.
Neither have they teachers or advisers with whom they can take counsel
in riper years. There is no 'schoolmaster abroad' who will tell them of
their faults, or inspire them with the higher sense of duty, or with the
ambition of a true success in life; no Socrates who will convict them
of ignorance; no Christ, or follower of Christ, who will reprove them
of sin. Hence they have a difficulty in receiving the first element of
improvement, which is self-knowledge. The hopes of youth no longer stir
them; they rather wish to rest than to pursue high objects. A few
only who have come across great men and women, or eminent teachers of
religion and morality, have received a second life from them, and have
lighted a candle from the fire of their genius.

The want of energy is one of the main reasons why so few persons
continue to improve in later years. They have not the will, and do not
know the way. They 'never try an experiment,' or look up a point
of interest for themselves; they make no sacrifices for the sake of
knowledge; their minds, like their bodies, at a certain age become
fixed. Genius has been defined as 'the power of taking pains'; but
hardly any one keeps up his interest in knowledge throughout a whole
life. The troubles of a family, the business of making money, the
demands of a profession destroy the elasticity of the mind. The waxen
tablet of the memory which was once capable of receiving 'true thoughts
and clear impressions' becomes hard and crowded; there is not room
for the accumulations of a long life (Theaet.). The student, as years
advance, rather makes an exchange of knowledge than adds to his stores.
There is no pressing necessity to learn; the stock of Classics or
History or Natural Science which was enough for a man at twenty-five is
enough for him at fifty. Neither is it easy to give a definite answer to
any one who asks how he is to improve. For self-education consists in a
thousand things, commonplace in themselves,--in adding to what we are
by nature something of what we are not; in learning to see ourselves as
others see us; in judging, not by opinion, but by the evidence of facts;
in seeking out the society of superior minds; in a study of lives and
writings of great men; in observation of the world and character; in
receiving kindly the natural influence of different times of life; in
any act or thought which is raised above the practice or opinions of
mankind; in the pursuit of some new or original enquiry; in any effort
of mind which calls forth some latent power.

If any one is desirous of carrying out in detail the Platonic education
of after-life, some such counsels as the following may be offered to
him:--That he shall choose the branch of knowledge to which his own mind
most distinctly inclines, and in which he takes the greatest delight,
either one which seems to connect with his own daily employment, or,
perhaps, furnishes the greatest contrast to it. He may study from the
speculative side the profession or business in which he is practically
engaged. He may make Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, Plato, Bacon the friends
and companions of his life. He may find opportunities of hearing the
living voice of a great teacher. He may select for enquiry some point of
history or some unexplained phenomenon of nature. An hour a day passed
in such scientific or literary pursuits will furnish as many facts as
the memory can retain, and will give him 'a pleasure not to be repented
of' (Timaeus). Only let him beware of being the slave of crotchets, or
of running after a Will o' the Wisp in his ignorance, or in his vanity
of attributing to himself the gifts of a poet or assuming the air of
a philosopher. He should know the limits of his own powers. Better to
build up the mind by slow additions, to creep on quietly from one
thing to another, to gain insensibly new powers and new interests in
knowledge, than to form vast schemes which are never destined to be
realized. But perhaps, as Plato would say, 'This is part of another
subject' (Tim.); though we may also defend our digression by his example
(Theaet.).

4. We remark with surprise that the progress of nations or the natural
growth of institutions which fill modern treatises on political
philosophy seem hardly ever to have attracted the attention of Plato
and Aristotle. The ancients were familiar with the mutability of human
affairs; they could moralize over the ruins of cities and the fall of
empires (Plato, Statesman, and Sulpicius' Letter to Cicero); by them
fate and chance were deemed to be real powers, almost persons, and
to have had a great share in political events. The wiser of them like
Thucydides believed that 'what had been would be again,' and that a
tolerable idea of the future could be gathered from the past. Also they
had dreams of a Golden Age which existed once upon a time and might
still exist in some unknown land, or might return again in the remote
future. But the regular growth of a state enlightened by experience,
progressing in knowledge, improving in the arts, of which the citizens
were educated by the fulfilment of political duties, appears never to
have come within the range of their hopes and aspirations. Such a state
had never been seen, and therefore could not be conceived by them. Their
experience (Aristot. Metaph.; Plato, Laws) led them to conclude that
there had been cycles of civilization in which the arts had been
discovered and lost many times over, and cities had been overthrown and
rebuilt again and again, and deluges and volcanoes and other natural
convulsions had altered the face of the earth. Tradition told them of
many destructions of mankind and of the preservation of a remnant.
The world began again after a deluge and was reconstructed out of the
fragments of itself. Also they were acquainted with empires of unknown
antiquity, like the Egyptian or Assyrian; but they had never seen them
grow, and could not imagine, any more than we can, the state of man
which preceded them. They were puzzled and awestricken by the Egyptian
monuments, of which the forms, as Plato says, not in a figure, but
literally, were ten thousand years old (Laws), and they contrasted the
antiquity of Egypt with their own short memories.

The early legends of Hellas have no real connection with the later
history: they are at a distance, and the intermediate region is
concealed from view; there is no road or path which leads from one to
the other. At the beginning of Greek history, in the vestibule of the
temple, is seen standing first of all the figure of the legislator,
himself the interpreter and servant of the God. The fundamental laws
which he gives are not supposed to change with time and circumstances.
The salvation of the state is held rather to depend on the inviolable
maintenance of them. They were sanctioned by the authority of heaven,
and it was deemed impiety to alter them. The desire to maintain
them unaltered seems to be the origin of what at first sight is very
surprising to us--the intolerant zeal of Plato against innovators in
religion or politics (Laws); although with a happy inconsistency he
is also willing that the laws of other countries should be studied and
improvements in legislation privately communicated to the Nocturnal
Council (Laws). The additions which were made to them in later ages in
order to meet the increasing complexity of affairs were still ascribed
by a fiction to the original legislator; and the words of such
enactments at Athens were disputed over as if they had been the words of
Solon himself. Plato hopes to preserve in a later generation the mind of
the legislator; he would have his citizens remain within the lines
which he has laid down for them. He would not harass them with minute
regulations, he would have allowed some changes in the laws: but not
changes which would affect the fundamental institutions of the state,
such for example as would convert an aristocracy into a timocracy, or a
timocracy into a popular form of government.

Passing from speculations to facts, we observe that progress has been
the exception rather than the law of human history. And therefore we are
not surprised to find that the idea of progress is of modern rather than
of ancient date; and, like the idea of a philosophy of history, is
not more than a century or two old. It seems to have arisen out of the
impression left on the human mind by the growth of the Roman Empire
and of the Christian Church, and to be due to the political and social
improvements which they introduced into the world; and still more in
our own century to the idealism of the first French Revolution and the
triumph of American Independence; and in a yet greater degree to the
vast material prosperity and growth of population in England and her
colonies and in America. It is also to be ascribed in a measure to the
greater study of the philosophy of history. The optimist temperament of
some great writers has assisted the creation of it, while the opposite
character has led a few to regard the future of the world as dark.
The 'spectator of all time and of all existence' sees more of 'the
increasing purpose which through the ages ran' than formerly: but to the
inhabitant of a small state of Hellas the vision was necessarily limited
like the valley in which he dwelt. There was no remote past on which his
eye could rest, nor any future from which the veil was partly lifted up
by the analogy of history. The narrowness of view, which to ourselves
appears so singular, was to him natural, if not unavoidable.

5. For the relation of the Republic to the Statesman and the Laws, and
the two other works of Plato which directly treat of politics, see the
Introductions to the two latter; a few general points of comparison may
be touched upon in this place.

And first of the Laws.

(1) The Republic, though probably written at intervals, yet speaking
generally and judging by the indications of thought and style, may be
reasonably ascribed to the middle period of Plato's life: the Laws are
certainly the work of his declining years, and some portions of them at
any rate seem to have been written in extreme old age.

(2) The Republic is full of hope and aspiration: the Laws bear the stamp
of failure and disappointment. The one is a finished work which received
the last touches of the author: the other is imperfectly executed, and
apparently unfinished. The one has the grace and beauty of youth: the
other has lost the poetical form, but has more of the severity and
knowledge of life which is characteristic of old age.

(3) The most conspicuous defect of the Laws is the failure of dramatic
power, whereas the Republic is full of striking contrasts of ideas and
oppositions of character.

(4) The Laws may be said to have more the nature of a sermon,
the Republic of a poem; the one is more religious, the other more
intellectual.

(5) Many theories of Plato, such as the doctrine of ideas, the
government of the world by philosophers, are not found in the Laws;
the immortality of the soul is first mentioned in xii; the person of
Socrates has altogether disappeared. The community of women and children
is renounced; the institution of common or public meals for women (Laws)
is for the first time introduced (Ar. Pol.).

(6) There remains in the Laws the old enmity to the poets, who are
ironically saluted in high-flown terms, and, at the same time, are
peremptorily ordered out of the city, if they are not willing to submit
their poems to the censorship of the magistrates (Rep.).

(7) Though the work is in most respects inferior, there are a few
passages in the Laws, such as the honour due to the soul, the evils
of licentious or unnatural love, the whole of Book x. (religion), the
dishonesty of retail trade, and bequests, which come more home to us,
and contain more of what may be termed the modern element in Plato than
almost anything in the Republic.

The relation of the two works to one another is very well given:

(1) by Aristotle in the Politics from the side of the Laws:--

'The same, or nearly the same, objections apply to Plato's later work,
the Laws, and therefore we had better examine briefly the constitution
which is therein described. In the Republic, Socrates has definitely
settled in all a few questions only; such as the community of women and
children, the community of property, and the constitution of the state.
The population is divided into two classes--one of husbandmen, and
the other of warriors; from this latter is taken a third class of
counsellors and rulers of the state. But Socrates has not determined
whether the husbandmen and artists are to have a share in the
government, and whether they too are to carry arms and share in military
service or not. He certainly thinks that the women ought to share in the
education of the guardians, and to fight by their side. The remainder of
the work is filled up with digressions foreign to the main subject, and
with discussions about the education of the guardians. In the Laws there
is hardly anything but laws; not much is said about the constitution.
This, which he had intended to make more of the ordinary type, he
gradually brings round to the other or ideal form. For with the
exception of the community of women and property, he supposes everything
to be the same in both states; there is to be the same education; the
citizens of both are to live free from servile occupations, and there
are to be common meals in both. The only difference is that in the Laws
the common meals are extended to women, and the warriors number about
5000, but in the Republic only 1000.'

(2) by Plato in the Laws (Book v.), from the side of the Republic:--

'The first and highest form of the state and of the government and of
the law is that in which there prevails most widely the ancient saying
that "Friends have all things in common." Whether there is now, or ever
will be, this communion of women and children and of property, in which
the private and individual is altogether banished from life, and things
which are by nature private, such as eyes and ears and hands, have
become common, and all men express praise and blame, and feel joy
and sorrow, on the same occasions, and the laws unite the city to the
utmost,--whether all this is possible or not, I say that no man, acting
upon any other principle, will ever constitute a state more exalted in
virtue, or truer or better than this. Such a state, whether inhabited
by Gods or sons of Gods, will make them blessed who dwell therein; and
therefore to this we are to look for the pattern of the state, and to
cling to this, and, as far as possible, to seek for one which is like
this. The state which we have now in hand, when created, will be nearest
to immortality and unity in the next degree; and after that, by the
grace of God, we will complete the third one. And we will begin by
speaking of the nature and origin of the second.'

The comparatively short work called the Statesman or Politicus in its
style and manner is more akin to the Laws, while in its idealism
it rather resembles the Republic. As far as we can judge by various
indications of language and thought, it must be later than the one and
of course earlier than the other. In both the Republic and Statesman a
close connection is maintained between Politics and Dialectic. In the
Statesman, enquiries into the principles of Method are interspersed with
discussions about Politics. The comparative advantages of the rule of
law and of a person are considered, and the decision given in favour of
a person (Arist. Pol.). But much may be said on the other side, nor is
the opposition necessary; for a person may rule by law, and law may
be so applied as to be the living voice of the legislator. As in the
Republic, there is a myth, describing, however, not a future, but a
former existence of mankind. The question is asked, 'Whether the state
of innocence which is described in the myth, or a state like our own
which possesses art and science and distinguishes good from evil, is
the preferable condition of man.' To this question of the comparative
happiness of civilized and primitive life, which was so often discussed
in the last century and in our own, no answer is given. The Statesman,
though less perfect in style than the Republic and of far less range,
may justly be regarded as one of the greatest of Plato's dialogues.

6. Others as well as Plato have chosen an ideal Republic to be the
vehicle of thoughts which they could not definitely express, or which
went beyond their own age. The classical writing which approaches most
nearly to the Republic of Plato is the 'De Republica' of Cicero; but
neither in this nor in any other of his dialogues does he rival the
art of Plato. The manners are clumsy and inferior; the hand of the
rhetorician is apparent at every turn. Yet noble sentiments are
constantly recurring: the true note of Roman patriotism--'We Romans are
a great people'--resounds through the whole work. Like Socrates, Cicero
turns away from the phenomena of the heavens to civil and political
life. He would rather not discuss the 'two Suns' of which all Rome was
talking, when he can converse about 'the two nations in one' which had
divided Rome ever since the days of the Gracchi. Like Socrates again,
speaking in the person of Scipio, he is afraid lest he should assume
too much the character of a teacher, rather than of an equal who is
discussing among friends the two sides of a question. He would confine
the terms King or State to the rule of reason and justice, and he will
not concede that title either to a democracy or to a monarchy. But under
the rule of reason and justice he is willing to include the natural
superior ruling over the natural inferior, which he compares to the soul
ruling over the body. He prefers a mixture of forms of government to any
single one. The two portraits of the just and the unjust, which occur in
the second book of the Republic, are transferred to the state--Philus,
one of the interlocutors, maintaining against his will the necessity
of injustice as a principle of government, while the other, Laelius,
supports the opposite thesis. His views of language and number are
derived from Plato; like him he denounces the drama. He also declares
that if his life were to be twice as long he would have no time to read
the lyric poets. The picture of democracy is translated by him word for
word, though he had hardly shown himself able to 'carry the jest' of
Plato. He converts into a stately sentence the humorous fancy about the
animals, who 'are so imbued with the spirit of democracy that they make
the passers-by get out of their way.' His description of the tyrant is
imitated from Plato, but is far inferior. The second book is historical,
and claims for the Roman constitution (which is to him the ideal) a
foundation of fact such as Plato probably intended to have given to the
Republic in the Critias. His most remarkable imitation of Plato is the
adaptation of the vision of Er, which is converted by Cicero into the
'Somnium Scipionis'; he has 'romanized' the myth of the Republic, adding
an argument for the immortality of the soul taken from the Phaedrus,
and some other touches derived from the Phaedo and the Timaeus. Though a
beautiful tale and containing splendid passages, the 'Somnium Scipionis;
is very inferior to the vision of Er; it is only a dream, and hardly
allows the reader to suppose that the writer believes in his own
creation. Whether his dialogues were framed on the model of the lost
dialogues of Aristotle, as he himself tells us, or of Plato, to which
they bear many superficial resemblances, he is still the Roman orator;
he is not conversing, but making speeches, and is never able to mould
the intractable Latin to the grace and ease of the Greek Platonic
dialogue. But if he is defective in form, much more is he inferior to
the Greek in matter; he nowhere in his philosophical writings leaves
upon our minds the impression of an original thinker.

Plato's Republic has been said to be a church and not a state; and such
an ideal of a city in the heavens has always hovered over the Christian
world, and is embodied in St. Augustine's 'De Civitate Dei,' which is
suggested by the decay and fall of the Roman Empire, much in the same
manner in which we may imagine the Republic of Plato to have been
influenced by the decline of Greek politics in the writer's own age. The
difference is that in the time of Plato the degeneracy, though certain,
was gradual and insensible: whereas the taking of Rome by the Goths
stirred like an earthquake the age of St. Augustine. Men were inclined
to believe that the overthrow of the city was to be ascribed to the
anger felt by the old Roman deities at the neglect of their worship. St.
Augustine maintains the opposite thesis; he argues that the destruction
of the Roman Empire is due, not to the rise of Christianity, but to
the vices of Paganism. He wanders over Roman history, and over Greek
philosophy and mythology, and finds everywhere crime, impiety and
falsehood. He compares the worst parts of the Gentile religions with
the best elements of the faith of Christ. He shows nothing of the spirit
which led others of the early Christian Fathers to recognize in the
writings of the Greek philosophers the power of the divine truth. He
traces the parallel of the kingdom of God, that is, the history of the
Jews, contained in their scriptures, and of the kingdoms of the world,
which are found in gentile writers, and pursues them both into an ideal
future. It need hardly be remarked that his use both of Greek and
of Roman historians and of the sacred writings of the Jews is wholly
uncritical. The heathen mythology, the Sybilline oracles, the myths
of Plato, the dreams of Neo-Platonists are equally regarded by him as
matter of fact. He must be acknowledged to be a strictly polemical or
controversial writer who makes the best of everything on one side and
the worst of everything on the other. He has no sympathy with the old
Roman life as Plato has with Greek life, nor has he any idea of the
ecclesiastical kingdom which was to arise out of the ruins of the Roman
empire. He is not blind to the defects of the Christian Church, and
looks forward to a time when Christian and Pagan shall be alike brought
before the judgment-seat, and the true City of God shall appear...The
work of St. Augustine is a curious repertory of antiquarian learning and
quotations, deeply penetrated with Christian ethics, but showing little
power of reasoning, and a slender knowledge of the Greek literature
and language. He was a great genius, and a noble character, yet hardly
capable of feeling or understanding anything external to his own
theology. Of all the ancient philosophers he is most attracted by Plato,
though he is very slightly acquainted with his writings. He is inclined
to believe that the idea of creation in the Timaeus is derived from the
narrative in Genesis; and he is strangely taken with the coincidence (?)
of Plato's saying that 'the philosopher is the lover of God,' and
the words of the Book of Exodus in which God reveals himself to Moses
(Exod.) He dwells at length on miracles performed in his own day, of
which the evidence is regarded by him as irresistible. He speaks in a
very interesting manner of the beauty and utility of nature and of the
human frame, which he conceives to afford a foretaste of the heavenly
state and of the resurrection of the body. The book is not really what
to most persons the title of it would imply, and belongs to an age which
has passed away. But it contains many fine passages and thoughts which
are for all time.

The short treatise de Monarchia of Dante is by far the most remarkable
of mediaeval ideals, and bears the impress of the great genius in whom
Italy and the Middle Ages are so vividly reflected. It is the vision of
an Universal Empire, which is supposed to be the natural and necessary
government of the world, having a divine authority distinct from the
Papacy, yet coextensive with it. It is not 'the ghost of the dead Roman
Empire sitting crowned upon the grave thereof,' but the legitimate heir
and successor of it, justified by the ancient virtues of the Romans and
the beneficence of their rule. Their right to be the governors of the
world is also confirmed by the testimony of miracles, and acknowledged
by St. Paul when he appealed to Caesar, and even more emphatically by
Christ Himself, Who could not have made atonement for the sins of men
if He had not been condemned by a divinely authorized tribunal. The
necessity for the establishment of an Universal Empire is proved partly
by a priori arguments such as the unity of God and the unity of the
family or nation; partly by perversions of Scripture and history, by
false analogies of nature, by misapplied quotations from the classics,
and by odd scraps and commonplaces of logic, showing a familiar but by
no means exact knowledge of Aristotle (of Plato there is none). But
a more convincing argument still is the miserable state of the world,
which he touchingly describes. He sees no hope of happiness or peace
for mankind until all nations of the earth are comprehended in a single
empire. The whole treatise shows how deeply the idea of the Roman Empire
was fixed in the minds of his contemporaries. Not much argument was
needed to maintain the truth of a theory which to his own contemporaries
seemed so natural and congenial. He speaks, or rather preaches, from the
point of view, not of the ecclesiastic, but of the layman, although, as
a good Catholic, he is willing to acknowledge that in certain respects
the Empire must submit to the Church. The beginning and end of all his
noble reflections and of his arguments, good and bad, is the aspiration
'that in this little plot of earth belonging to mortal man life may pass
in freedom and peace.' So inextricably is his vision of the future bound
up with the beliefs and circumstances of his own age.

The 'Utopia' of Sir Thomas More is a surprising monument of his genius,
and shows a reach of thought far beyond his contemporaries. The book was
written by him at the age of about 34 or 35, and is full of the generous
sentiments of youth. He brings the light of Plato to bear upon the
miserable state of his own country. Living not long after the Wars of
the Roses, and in the dregs of the Catholic Church in England, he is
indignant at the corruption of the clergy, at the luxury of the nobility
and gentry, at the sufferings of the poor, at the calamities caused by
war. To the eye of More the whole world was in dissolution and decay;
and side by side with the misery and oppression which he has described
in the First Book of the Utopia, he places in the Second Book the ideal
state which by the help of Plato he had constructed. The times were full
of stir and intellectual interest. The distant murmur of the Reformation
was beginning to be heard. To minds like More's, Greek literature was
a revelation: there had arisen an art of interpretation, and the New
Testament was beginning to be understood as it had never been before,
and has not often been since, in its natural sense. The life there
depicted appeared to him wholly unlike that of Christian commonwealths,
in which 'he saw nothing but a certain conspiracy of rich men procuring
their own commodities under the name and title of the Commonwealth.'
He thought that Christ, like Plato, 'instituted all things common,' for
which reason, he tells us, the citizens of Utopia were the more willing
to receive his doctrines ('Howbeit, I think this was no small help and
furtherance in the matter, that they heard us say that Christ instituted
among his, all things common, and that the same community doth yet
remain in the rightest Christian communities' (Utopia).). The community
of property is a fixed idea with him, though he is aware of the
arguments which may be urged on the other side ('These things (I say),
when I consider with myself, I hold well with Plato, and do nothing
marvel that he would make no laws for them that refused those laws,
whereby all men should have and enjoy equal portions of riches and
commodities. For the wise men did easily foresee this to be the one and
only way to the wealth of a community, if equality of all things should
be brought in and established' (Utopia).). We wonder how in the reign of
Henry VIII, though veiled in another language and published in a foreign
country, such speculations could have been endured.

He is gifted with far greater dramatic invention than any one who
succeeded him, with the exception of Swift. In the art of feigning he is
a worthy disciple of Plato. Like him, starting from a small portion
of fact, he founds his tale with admirable skill on a few lines in the
Latin narrative of the voyages of Amerigo Vespucci. He is very precise
about dates and facts, and has the power of making us believe that the
narrator of the tale must have been an eyewitness. We are fairly puzzled
by his manner of mixing up real and imaginary persons; his boy John
Clement and Peter Giles, citizen of Antwerp, with whom he disputes
about the precise words which are supposed to have been used by the
(imaginary) Portuguese traveller, Raphael Hythloday. 'I have the more
cause,' says Hythloday, 'to fear that my words shall not be believed,
for that I know how difficultly and hardly I myself would have believed
another man telling the same, if I had not myself seen it with mine own
eyes.' Or again: 'If you had been with me in Utopia, and had presently
seen their fashions and laws as I did which lived there five years and
more, and would never have come thence, but only to make the new land
known here,' etc. More greatly regrets that he forgot to ask Hythloday
in what part of the world Utopia is situated; he 'would have spent no
small sum of money rather than it should have escaped him,' and he begs
Peter Giles to see Hythloday or write to him and obtain an answer to the
question. After this we are not surprised to hear that a Professor of
Divinity (perhaps 'a late famous vicar of Croydon in Surrey,' as the
translator thinks) is desirous of being sent thither as a missionary by
the High Bishop, 'yea, and that he may himself be made Bishop of Utopia,
nothing doubting that he must obtain this Bishopric with suit; and he
counteth that a godly suit which proceedeth not of the desire of honour
or lucre, but only of a godly zeal.' The design may have failed through
the disappearance of Hythloday, concerning whom we have 'very uncertain
news' after his departure. There is no doubt, however, that he had told
More and Giles the exact situation of the island, but unfortunately at
the same moment More's attention, as he is reminded in a letter from
Giles, was drawn off by a servant, and one of the company from a cold
caught on shipboard coughed so loud as to prevent Giles from hearing.
And 'the secret has perished' with him; to this day the place of Utopia
remains unknown.

The words of Phaedrus, 'O Socrates, you can easily invent Egyptians or
anything,' are recalled to our mind as we read this lifelike fiction.
Yet the greater merit of the work is not the admirable art, but the
originality of thought. More is as free as Plato from the prejudices
of his age, and far more tolerant. The Utopians do not allow him
who believes not in the immortality of the soul to share in the
administration of the state (Laws), 'howbeit they put him to no
punishment, because they be persuaded that it is in no man's power to
believe what he list'; and 'no man is to be blamed for reasoning in
support of his own religion ('One of our company in my presence was
sharply punished. He, as soon as he was baptised, began, against our
wills, with more earnest affection than wisdom, to reason of Christ's
religion, and began to wax so hot in his matter, that he did not only
prefer our religion before all other, but also did despise and condemn
all other, calling them profane, and the followers of them wicked and
devilish, and the children of everlasting damnation. When he had thus
long reasoned the matter, they laid hold on him, accused him, and
condemned him into exile, not as a despiser of religion, but as a
seditious person and a raiser up of dissension among the people').'
In the public services 'no prayers be used, but such as every man
may boldly pronounce without giving offence to any sect.' He says
significantly, 'There be that give worship to a man that was once of
excellent virtue or of famous glory, not only as God, but also the
chiefest and highest God. But the most and the wisest part, rejecting
all these, believe that there is a certain godly power unknown, far
above the capacity and reach of man's wit, dispersed throughout all the
world, not in bigness, but in virtue and power. Him they call the Father
of all. To Him alone they attribute the beginnings, the increasings, the
proceedings, the changes, and the ends of all things. Neither give they
any divine honours to any other than him.' So far was More from sharing
the popular beliefs of his time. Yet at the end he reminds us that he
does not in all respects agree with the customs and opinions of the
Utopians which he describes. And we should let him have the benefit of
this saving clause, and not rudely withdraw the veil behind which he has
been pleased to conceal himself.

Nor is he less in advance of popular opinion in his political and moral
speculations. He would like to bring military glory into contempt; he
would set all sorts of idle people to profitable occupation, including
in the same class, priests, women, noblemen, gentlemen, and 'sturdy and
valiant beggars,' that the labour of all may be reduced to six hours a
day. His dislike of capital punishment, and plans for the reformation of
offenders; his detestation of priests and lawyers (Compare his satirical
observation: 'They (the Utopians) have priests of exceeding holiness,
and therefore very few.); his remark that 'although every one may hear
of ravenous dogs and wolves and cruel man-eaters, it is not easy to find
states that are well and wisely governed,' are curiously at variance
with the notions of his age and indeed with his own life. There are many
points in which he shows a modern feeling and a prophetic insight like
Plato. He is a sanitary reformer; he maintains that civilized states
have a right to the soil of waste countries; he is inclined to the
opinion which places happiness in virtuous pleasures, but herein, as he
thinks, not disagreeing from those other philosophers who define virtue
to be a life according to nature. He extends the idea of happiness so as
to include the happiness of others; and he argues ingeniously, 'All men
agree that we ought to make others happy; but if others, how much more
ourselves!' And still he thinks that there may be a more excellent way,
but to this no man's reason can attain unless heaven should inspire him
with a higher truth. His ceremonies before marriage; his humane proposal
that war should be carried on by assassinating the leaders of the enemy,
may be compared to some of the paradoxes of Plato. He has a charming
fancy, like the affinities of Greeks and barbarians in the Timaeus, that
the Utopians learnt the language of the Greeks with the more readiness
because they were originally of the same race with them. He is
penetrated with the spirit of Plato, and quotes or adapts many thoughts
both from the Republic and from the Timaeus. He prefers public duties to
private, and is somewhat impatient of the importunity of relations. His
citizens have no silver or gold of their own, but are ready enough to
pay them to their mercenaries. There is nothing of which he is more
contemptuous than the love of money. Gold is used for fetters of
criminals, and diamonds and pearls for children's necklaces (When the
ambassadors came arrayed in gold and peacocks' feathers 'to the eyes of
all the Utopians except very few, which had been in other countries for
some reasonable cause, all that gorgeousness of apparel seemed shameful
and reproachful. In so much that they most reverently saluted the
vilest and most abject of them for lords--passing over the ambassadors
themselves without any honour, judging them by their wearing of golden
chains to be bondmen. You should have seen children also, that had cast
away their pearls and precious stones, when they saw the like sticking
upon the ambassadors' caps, dig and push their mothers under the sides,
saying thus to them--"Look, though he were a little child still." But
the mother; yea and that also in good earnest: "Peace, son," saith she,
"I think he be some of the ambassadors' fools."')

Like Plato he is full of satirical reflections on governments and
princes; on the state of the world and of knowledge. The hero of his
discourse (Hythloday) is very unwilling to become a minister of state,
considering that he would lose his independence and his advice would
never be heeded (Compare an exquisite passage, of which the conclusion
is as follows: 'And verily it is naturally given...suppressed and
ended.') He ridicules the new logic of his time; the Utopians could
never be made to understand the doctrine of Second Intentions ('For they
have not devised one of all those rules of restrictions, amplifications,
and suppositions, very wittily invented in the small Logicals, which
here our children in every place do learn. Furthermore, they were never
yet able to find out the second intentions; insomuch that none of them
all could ever see man himself in common, as they call him, though he be
(as you know) bigger than was ever any giant, yea, and pointed to of us
even with our finger.') He is very severe on the sports of the gentry;
the Utopians count 'hunting the lowest, the vilest, and the most abject
part of butchery.' He quotes the words of the Republic in which the
philosopher is described 'standing out of the way under a wall until the
driving storm of sleet and rain be overpast,' which admit of a singular
application to More's own fate; although, writing twenty years before
(about the year 1514), he can hardly be supposed to have foreseen this.
There is no touch of satire which strikes deeper than his quiet remark
that the greater part of the precepts of Christ are more at variance
with the lives of ordinary Christians than the discourse of Utopia ('And
yet the most part of them is more dissident from the manners of the
world now a days, than my communication was. But preachers, sly and
wily men, following your counsel (as I suppose) because they saw men
evil-willing to frame their manners to Christ's rule, they have wrested
and wried his doctrine, and, like a rule of lead, have applied it to
men's manners, that by some means at the least way, they might agree
together.')

The 'New Atlantis' is only a fragment, and far inferior in merit to the
'Utopia.' The work is full of ingenuity, but wanting in creative fancy,
and by no means impresses the reader with a sense of credibility. In
some places Lord Bacon is characteristically different from Sir Thomas
More, as, for example, in the external state which he attributes to the
governor of Solomon's House, whose dress he minutely describes, while to
Sir Thomas More such trappings appear simple ridiculous. Yet, after this
programme of dress, Bacon adds the beautiful trait, 'that he had a look
as though he pitied men.' Several things are borrowed by him from the
Timaeus; but he has injured the unity of style by adding thoughts and
passages which are taken from the Hebrew Scriptures.

The 'City of the Sun' written by Campanella (1568-1639), a Dominican
friar, several years after the 'New Atlantis' of Bacon, has many
resemblances to the Republic of Plato. The citizens have wives and
children in common; their marriages are of the same temporary sort, and
are arranged by the magistrates from time to time. They do not, however,
adopt his system of lots, but bring together the best natures, male and
female, 'according to philosophical rules.' The infants until two years
of age are brought up by their mothers in public temples; and since
individuals for the most part educate their children badly, at the
beginning of their third year they are committed to the care of the
State, and are taught at first, not out of books, but from paintings of
all kinds, which are emblazoned on the walls of the city. The city has
six interior circuits of walls, and an outer wall which is the
seventh. On this outer wall are painted the figures of legislators and
philosophers, and on each of the interior walls the symbols or forms
of some one of the sciences are delineated. The women are, for the most
part, trained, like the men, in warlike and other exercises; but they
have two special occupations of their own. After a battle, they and the
boys soothe and relieve the wounded warriors; also they encourage them
with embraces and pleasant words. Some elements of the Christian or
Catholic religion are preserved among them. The life of the Apostles is
greatly admired by this people because they had all things in common;
and the short prayer which Jesus Christ taught men is used in their
worship. It is a duty of the chief magistrates to pardon sins, and
therefore the whole people make secret confession of them to the
magistrates, and they to their chief, who is a sort of Rector
Metaphysicus; and by this means he is well informed of all that is going
on in the minds of men. After confession, absolution is granted to
the citizens collectively, but no one is mentioned by name. There
also exists among them a practice of perpetual prayer, performed by
a succession of priests, who change every hour. Their religion is
a worship of God in Trinity, that is of Wisdom, Love and Power,
but without any distinction of persons. They behold in the sun the
reflection of His glory; mere graven images they reject, refusing to
fall under the 'tyranny' of idolatry.

Many details are given about their customs of eating and drinking, about
their mode of dressing, their employments, their wars. Campanella looks
forward to a new mode of education, which is to be a study of nature,
and not of Aristotle. He would not have his citizens waste their time
in the consideration of what he calls 'the dead signs of things.' He
remarks that he who knows one science only, does not really know that
one any more than the rest, and insists strongly on the necessity of a
variety of knowledge. More scholars are turned out in the City of the
Sun in one year than by contemporary methods in ten or fifteen. He
evidently believes, like Bacon, that henceforward natural science will
play a great part in education, a hope which seems hardly to have
been realized, either in our own or in any former age; at any rate the
fulfilment of it has been long deferred.

There is a good deal of ingenuity and even originality in this work, and
a most enlightened spirit pervades it. But it has little or no charm
of style, and falls very far short of the 'New Atlantis' of Bacon,
and still more of the 'Utopia' of Sir Thomas More. It is full of
inconsistencies, and though borrowed from Plato, shows but a superficial
acquaintance with his writings. It is a work such as one might expect
to have been written by a philosopher and man of genius who was also a
friar, and who had spent twenty-seven years of his life in a prison of
the Inquisition. The most interesting feature of the book, common to
Plato and Sir Thomas More, is the deep feeling which is shown by the
writer, of the misery and ignorance prevailing among the lower classes
in his own time. Campanella takes note of Aristotle's answer to Plato's
community of property, that in a society where all things are common, no
individual would have any motive to work (Arist. Pol.): he replies, that
his citizens being happy and contented in themselves (they are required
to work only four hours a day), will have greater regard for their
fellows than exists among men at present. He thinks, like Plato, that if
he abolishes private feelings and interests, a great public feeling will
take their place.

Other writings on ideal states, such as the 'Oceana' of Harrington, in
which the Lord Archon, meaning Cromwell, is described, not as he was,
but as he ought to have been; or the 'Argenis' of Barclay, which is an
historical allegory of his own time, are too unlike Plato to be worth
mentioning. More interesting than either of these, and far more Platonic
in style and thought, is Sir John Eliot's 'Monarchy of Man,' in which
the prisoner of the Tower, no longer able 'to be a politician in the
land of his birth,' turns away from politics to view 'that other city
which is within him,' and finds on the very threshold of the grave that
the secret of human happiness is the mastery of self. The change of
government in the time of the English Commonwealth set men thinking
about first principles, and gave rise to many works of this class...The
great original genius of Swift owes nothing to Plato; nor is there
any trace in the conversation or in the works of Dr. Johnson of any
acquaintance with his writings. He probably would have refuted Plato
without reading him, in the same fashion in which he supposed himself to
have refuted Bishop Berkeley's theory of the non-existence of matter.
If we except the so-called English Platonists, or rather Neo-Platonists,
who never understood their master, and the writings of Coleridge,
who was to some extent a kindred spirit, Plato has left no permanent
impression on English literature.

7. Human life and conduct are affected by ideals in the same way that
they are affected by the examples of eminent men. Neither the one nor
the other are immediately applicable to practice, but there is a virtue
flowing from them which tends to raise individuals above the common
routine of society or trade, and to elevate States above the mere
interests of commerce or the necessities of self-defence. Like the
ideals of art they are partly framed by the omission of particulars;
they require to be viewed at a certain distance, and are apt to fade
away if we attempt to approach them. They gain an imaginary distinctness
when embodied in a State or in a system of philosophy, but they still
remain the visions of 'a world unrealized.' More striking and obvious to
the ordinary mind are the examples of great men, who have served their
own generation and are remembered in another. Even in our own family
circle there may have been some one, a woman, or even a child, in
whose face has shone forth a goodness more than human. The ideal then
approaches nearer to us, and we fondly cling to it. The ideal of the
past, whether of our own past lives or of former states of society, has
a singular fascination for the minds of many. Too late we learn that
such ideals cannot be recalled, though the recollection of them may
have a humanizing influence on other times. But the abstractions of
philosophy are to most persons cold and vacant; they give light without
warmth; they are like the full moon in the heavens when there are no
stars appearing. Men cannot live by thought alone; the world of sense is
always breaking in upon them. They are for the most part confined to a
corner of earth, and see but a little way beyond their own home or place
of abode; they 'do not lift up their eyes to the hills'; they are not
awake when the dawn appears. But in Plato we have reached a height from
which a man may look into the distance and behold the future of the
world and of philosophy. The ideal of the State and of the life of
the philosopher; the ideal of an education continuing through life and
extending equally to both sexes; the ideal of the unity and correlation
of knowledge; the faith in good and immortality--are the vacant forms of
light on which Plato is seeking to fix the eye of mankind.

8. Two other ideals, which never appeared above the horizon in Greek
Philosophy, float before the minds of men in our own day: one seen more
clearly than formerly, as though each year and each generation brought
us nearer to some great change; the other almost in the same degree
retiring from view behind the laws of nature, as if oppressed by them,
but still remaining a silent hope of we know not what hidden in the
heart of man. The first ideal is the future of the human race in this
world; the second the future of the individual in another. The first is
the more perfect realization of our own present life; the second,
the abnegation of it: the one, limited by experience, the other,
transcending it. Both of them have been and are powerful motives of
action; there are a few in whom they have taken the place of all earthly
interests. The hope of a future for the human race at first sight seems
to be the more disinterested, the hope of individual existence the more
egotistical, of the two motives. But when men have learned to resolve
their hope of a future either for themselves or for the world into the
will of God--'not my will but Thine,' the difference between them falls
away; and they may be allowed to make either of them the basis of their
lives, according to their own individual character or temperament. There
is as much faith in the willingness to work for an unseen future in this
world as in another. Neither is it inconceivable that some rare nature
may feel his duty to another generation, or to another century, almost
as strongly as to his own, or that living always in the presence of God,
he may realize another world as vividly as he does this.

The greatest of all ideals may, or rather must be conceived by us under
similitudes derived from human qualities; although sometimes, like the
Jewish prophets, we may dash away these figures of speech and describe
the nature of God only in negatives. These again by degrees acquire a
positive meaning. It would be well, if when meditating on the higher
truths either of philosophy or religion, we sometimes substituted one
form of expression for another, lest through the necessities of language
we should become the slaves of mere words.

There is a third ideal, not the same, but akin to these, which has a
place in the home and heart of every believer in the religion of Christ,
and in which men seem to find a nearer and more familiar truth,
the Divine man, the Son of Man, the Saviour of mankind, Who is the
first-born and head of the whole family in heaven and earth, in Whom
the Divine and human, that which is without and that which is within the
range of our earthly faculties, are indissolubly united. Neither is this
divine form of goodness wholly separable from the ideal of the Christian
Church, which is said in the New Testament to be 'His body,' or at
variance with those other images of good which Plato sets before us. We
see Him in a figure only, and of figures of speech we select but a few,
and those the simplest, to be the expression of Him. We behold Him in
a picture, but He is not there. We gather up the fragments of His
discourses, but neither do they represent Him as He truly was. His
dwelling is neither in heaven nor earth, but in the heart of man.
This is that image which Plato saw dimly in the distance, which, when
existing among men, he called, in the language of Homer, 'the likeness
of God,' the likeness of a nature which in all ages men have felt to be
greater and better than themselves, and which in endless forms, whether
derived from Scripture or nature, from the witness of history or from
the human heart, regarded as a person or not as a person, with or
without parts or passions, existing in space or not in space, is and
will always continue to be to mankind the Idea of Good.





THE REPUBLIC.




PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE.

Socrates, who is the narrator.

Glaucon.

Adeimantus.

Polemarchus.

Cephalus.

Thrasymachus.

Cleitophon.

And others who are mute auditors.

The scene is laid in the house of Cephalus at the Piraeus; and the whole
dialogue is narrated by Socrates the day after it actually took place to
Timaeus, Hermocrates, Critias, and a nameless person, who are introduced
in the Timaeus.




BOOK I.

I went down yesterday to the Piraeus with Glaucon the son of Ariston,
that I might offer up my prayers to the goddess (Bendis, the Thracian
Artemis.); and also because I wanted to see in what manner they would
celebrate the festival, which was a new thing. I was delighted with the
procession of the inhabitants; but that of the Thracians was equally,
if not more, beautiful. When we had finished our prayers and viewed the
spectacle, we turned in the direction of the city; and at that instant
Polemarchus the son of Cephalus chanced to catch sight of us from a
distance as we were starting on our way home, and told his servant to
run and bid us wait for him. The servant took hold of me by the cloak
behind, and said: Polemarchus desires you to wait.

I turned round, and asked him where his master was.

There he is, said the youth, coming after you, if you will only wait.

Certainly we will, said Glaucon; and in a few minutes Polemarchus
appeared, and with him Adeimantus, Glaucon's brother, Niceratus the son
of Nicias, and several others who had been at the procession.

Polemarchus said to me: I perceive, Socrates, that you and your
companion are already on your way to the city.

You are not far wrong, I said.

But do you see, he rejoined, how many we are?

Of course.

And are you stronger than all these? for if not, you will have to remain
where you are.

May there not be the alternative, I said, that we may persuade you to
let us go?

But can you persuade us, if we refuse to listen to you? he said.

Certainly not, replied Glaucon.

Then we are not going to listen; of that you may be assured.

Adeimantus added: Has no one told you of the torch-race on horseback in
honour of the goddess which will take place in the evening?

With horses! I replied: That is a novelty. Will horsemen carry torches
and pass them one to another during the race?

Yes, said Polemarchus, and not only so, but a festival will be
celebrated at night, which you certainly ought to see. Let us rise soon
after supper and see this festival; there will be a gathering of young
men, and we will have a good talk. Stay then, and do not be perverse.

Glaucon said: I suppose, since you insist, that we must.

Very good, I replied.

Accordingly we went with Polemarchus to his house; and there we found
his brothers Lysias and Euthydemus, and with them Thrasymachus the
Chalcedonian, Charmantides the Paeanian, and Cleitophon the son of
Aristonymus. There too was Cephalus the father of Polemarchus, whom I
had not seen for a long time, and I thought him very much aged. He was
seated on a cushioned chair, and had a garland on his head, for he had
been sacrificing in the court; and there were some other chairs in the
room arranged in a semicircle, upon which we sat down by him. He saluted
me eagerly, and then he said:--

You don't come to see me, Socrates, as often as you ought: If I were
still able to go and see you I would not ask you to come to me. But
at my age I can hardly get to the city, and therefore you should come
oftener to the Piraeus. For let me tell you, that the more the pleasures
of the body fade away, the greater to me is the pleasure and charm
of conversation. Do not then deny my request, but make our house your
resort and keep company with these young men; we are old friends, and
you will be quite at home with us.

I replied: There is nothing which for my part I like better, Cephalus,
than conversing with aged men; for I regard them as travellers who
have gone a journey which I too may have to go, and of whom I ought to
enquire, whether the way is smooth and easy, or rugged and difficult.
And this is a question which I should like to ask of you who have
arrived at that time which the poets call the 'threshold of old age'--Is
life harder towards the end, or what report do you give of it?

I will tell you, Socrates, he said, what my own feeling is. Men of my
age flock together; we are birds of a feather, as the old proverb says;
and at our meetings the tale of my acquaintance commonly is--I cannot
eat, I cannot drink; the pleasures of youth and love are fled away:
there was a good time once, but now that is gone, and life is no longer
life. Some complain of the slights which are put upon them by relations,
and they will tell you sadly of how many evils their old age is the
cause. But to me, Socrates, these complainers seem to blame that which
is not really in fault. For if old age were the cause, I too being old,
and every other old man, would have felt as they do. But this is not
my own experience, nor that of others whom I have known. How well I
remember the aged poet Sophocles, when in answer to the question, How
does love suit with age, Sophocles,--are you still the man you were?
Peace, he replied; most gladly have I escaped the thing of which you
speak; I feel as if I had escaped from a mad and furious master. His
words have often occurred to my mind since, and they seem as good to
me now as at the time when he uttered them. For certainly old age has
a great sense of calm and freedom; when the passions relax their hold,
then, as Sophocles says, we are freed from the grasp not of one mad
master only, but of many. The truth is, Socrates, that these regrets,
and also the complaints about relations, are to be attributed to the
same cause, which is not old age, but men's characters and tempers; for
he who is of a calm and happy nature will hardly feel the pressure of
age, but to him who is of an opposite disposition youth and age are
equally a burden.

I listened in admiration, and wanting to draw him out, that he might go
on--Yes, Cephalus, I said: but I rather suspect that people in general
are not convinced by you when you speak thus; they think that old
age sits lightly upon you, not because of your happy disposition, but
because you are rich, and wealth is well known to be a great comforter.

You are right, he replied; they are not convinced: and there is
something in what they say; not, however, so much as they imagine. I
might answer them as Themistocles answered the Seriphian who was abusing
him and saying that he was famous, not for his own merits but because he
was an Athenian: 'If you had been a native of my country or I of yours,
neither of us would have been famous.' And to those who are not rich and
are impatient of old age, the same reply may be made; for to the good
poor man old age cannot be a light burden, nor can a bad rich man ever
have peace with himself.

May I ask, Cephalus, whether your fortune was for the most part
inherited or acquired by you?

Acquired! Socrates; do you want to know how much I acquired? In the art
of making money I have been midway between my father and grandfather:
for my grandfather, whose name I bear, doubled and trebled the value of
his patrimony, that which he inherited being much what I possess now;
but my father Lysanias reduced the property below what it is at present:
and I shall be satisfied if I leave to these my sons not less but a
little more than I received.

That was why I asked you the question, I replied, because I see that you
are indifferent about money, which is a characteristic rather of those
who have inherited their fortunes than of those who have acquired them;
the makers of fortunes have a second love of money as a creation of
their own, resembling the affection of authors for their own poems, or
of parents for their children, besides that natural love of it for the
sake of use and profit which is common to them and all men. And hence
they are very bad company, for they can talk about nothing but the
praises of wealth.

That is true, he said.

Yes, that is very true, but may I ask another question?--What do you
consider to be the greatest blessing which you have reaped from your
wealth?

One, he said, of which I could not expect easily to convince others.
For let me tell you, Socrates, that when a man thinks himself to be near
death, fears and cares enter into his mind which he never had before;
the tales of a world below and the punishment which is exacted there
of deeds done here were once a laughing matter to him, but now he
is tormented with the thought that they may be true: either from the
weakness of age, or because he is now drawing nearer to that other
place, he has a clearer view of these things; suspicions and alarms
crowd thickly upon him, and he begins to reflect and consider what
wrongs he has done to others. And when he finds that the sum of his
transgressions is great he will many a time like a child start up in his
sleep for fear, and he is filled with dark forebodings. But to him who
is conscious of no sin, sweet hope, as Pindar charmingly says, is the
kind nurse of his age:

'Hope,' he says, 'cherishes the soul of him who lives in justice
and holiness, and is the nurse of his age and the companion of his
journey;--hope which is mightiest to sway the restless soul of man.'

How admirable are his words! And the great blessing of riches, I do not
say to every man, but to a good man, is, that he has had no occasion to
deceive or to defraud others, either intentionally or unintentionally;
and when he departs to the world below he is not in any apprehension
about offerings due to the gods or debts which he owes to men. Now to
this peace of mind the possession of wealth greatly contributes; and
therefore I say, that, setting one thing against another, of the many
advantages which wealth has to give, to a man of sense this is in my
opinion the greatest.

Well said, Cephalus, I replied; but as concerning justice, what is
it?--to speak the truth and to pay your debts--no more than this? And
even to this are there not exceptions? Suppose that a friend when in his
right mind has deposited arms with me and he asks for them when he is
not in his right mind, ought I to give them back to him? No one would
say that I ought or that I should be right in doing so, any more than
they would say that I ought always to speak the truth to one who is in
his condition.

You are quite right, he replied.

But then, I said, speaking the truth and paying your debts is not a
correct definition of justice.

Quite correct, Socrates, if Simonides is to be believed, said
Polemarchus interposing.

I fear, said Cephalus, that I must go now, for I have to look after the
sacrifices, and I hand over the argument to Polemarchus and the company.

Is not Polemarchus your heir? I said.

To be sure, he answered, and went away laughing to the sacrifices.

Tell me then, O thou heir of the argument, what did Simonides say, and
according to you truly say, about justice?

He said that the repayment of a debt is just, and in saying so he
appears to me to be right.

I should be sorry to doubt the word of such a wise and inspired man, but
his meaning, though probably clear to you, is the reverse of clear to
me. For he certainly does not mean, as we were just now saying, that I
ought to return a deposit of arms or of anything else to one who asks
for it when he is not in his right senses; and yet a deposit cannot be
denied to be a debt.

True.

Then when the person who asks me is not in his right mind I am by no
means to make the return?

Certainly not.

When Simonides said that the repayment of a debt was justice, he did not
mean to include that case?

Certainly not; for he thinks that a friend ought always to do good to a
friend and never evil.

You mean that the return of a deposit of gold which is to the injury of
the receiver, if the two parties are friends, is not the repayment of a
debt,--that is what you would imagine him to say?

Yes.

And are enemies also to receive what we owe to them?

To be sure, he said, they are to receive what we owe them, and an enemy,
as I take it, owes to an enemy that which is due or proper to him--that
is to say, evil.

Simonides, then, after the manner of poets, would seem to have spoken
darkly of the nature of justice; for he really meant to say that justice
is the giving to each man what is proper to him, and this he termed a
debt.

That must have been his meaning, he said.

By heaven! I replied; and if we asked him what due or proper thing is
given by medicine, and to whom, what answer do you think that he would
make to us?

He would surely reply that medicine gives drugs and meat and drink to
human bodies.

And what due or proper thing is given by cookery, and to what?

Seasoning to food.

And what is that which justice gives, and to whom?

If, Socrates, we are to be guided at all by the analogy of the preceding
instances, then justice is the art which gives good to friends and evil
to enemies.

That is his meaning then?

I think so.

And who is best able to do good to his friends and evil to his enemies
in time of sickness?

The physician.

Or when they are on a voyage, amid the perils of the sea?

The pilot.

And in what sort of actions or with a view to what result is the just
man most able to do harm to his enemy and good to his friend?

In going to war against the one and in making alliances with the other.

But when a man is well, my dear Polemarchus, there is no need of a
physician?

No.

And he who is not on a voyage has no need of a pilot?

No.

Then in time of peace justice will be of no use?

I am very far from thinking so.

You think that justice may be of use in peace as well as in war?

Yes.

Like husbandry for the acquisition of corn?

Yes.

Or like shoemaking for the acquisition of shoes,--that is what you mean?

Yes.

And what similar use or power of acquisition has justice in time of
peace?

In contracts, Socrates, justice is of use.

And by contracts you mean partnerships?

Exactly.

But is the just man or the skilful player a more useful and better
partner at a game of draughts?

The skilful player.

And in the laying of bricks and stones is the just man a more useful or
better partner than the builder?

Quite the reverse.

Then in what sort of partnership is the just man a better partner than
the harp-player, as in playing the harp the harp-player is certainly a
better partner than the just man?

In a money partnership.

Yes, Polemarchus, but surely not in the use of money; for you do not
want a just man to be your counsellor in the purchase or sale of a
horse; a man who is knowing about horses would be better for that, would
he not?

Certainly.

And when you want to buy a ship, the shipwright or the pilot would be
better?

True.

Then what is that joint use of silver or gold in which the just man is
to be preferred?

When you want a deposit to be kept safely.

You mean when money is not wanted, but allowed to lie?

Precisely.

That is to say, justice is useful when money is useless?

That is the inference.

And when you want to keep a pruning-hook safe, then justice is useful to
the individual and to the state; but when you want to use it, then the
art of the vine-dresser?

Clearly.

And when you want to keep a shield or a lyre, and not to use them, you
would say that justice is useful; but when you want to use them, then
the art of the soldier or of the musician?

Certainly.

And so of all other things;--justice is useful when they are useless,
and useless when they are useful?

That is the inference.

Then justice is not good for much. But let us consider this further
point: Is not he who can best strike a blow in a boxing match or in any
kind of fighting best able to ward off a blow?

Certainly.

And he who is most skilful in preventing or escaping from a disease is
best able to create one?

True.

And he is the best guard of a camp who is best able to steal a march
upon the enemy?

Certainly.

Then he who is a good keeper of anything is also a good thief?

That, I suppose, is to be inferred.

Then if the just man is good at keeping money, he is good at stealing
it.

That is implied in the argument.

Then after all the just man has turned out to be a thief. And this is
a lesson which I suspect you must have learnt out of Homer; for he,
speaking of Autolycus, the maternal grandfather of Odysseus, who is a
favourite of his, affirms that

'He was excellent above all men in theft and perjury.'

And so, you and Homer and Simonides are agreed that justice is an art of
theft; to be practised however 'for the good of friends and for the harm
of enemies,'--that was what you were saying?

No, certainly not that, though I do not now know what I did say; but I
still stand by the latter words.

Well, there is another question: By friends and enemies do we mean those
who are so really, or only in seeming?

Surely, he said, a man may be expected to love those whom he thinks
good, and to hate those whom he thinks evil.

Yes, but do not persons often err about good and evil: many who are not
good seem to be so, and conversely?

That is true.

Then to them the good will be enemies and the evil will be their
friends? True.

And in that case they will be right in doing good to the evil and evil
to the good?

Clearly.

But the good are just and would not do an injustice?

True.

Then according to your argument it is just to injure those who do no
wrong?

Nay, Socrates; the doctrine is immoral.

Then I suppose that we ought to do good to the just and harm to the
unjust?

I like that better.

But see the consequence:--Many a man who is ignorant of human nature
has friends who are bad friends, and in that case he ought to do harm to
them; and he has good enemies whom he ought to benefit; but, if so, we
shall be saying the very opposite of that which we affirmed to be the
meaning of Simonides.

Very true, he said: and I think that we had better correct an error
into which we seem to have fallen in the use of the words 'friend' and
'enemy.'

What was the error, Polemarchus? I asked.

We assumed that he is a friend who seems to be or who is thought good.

And how is the error to be corrected?

We should rather say that he is a friend who is, as well as seems, good;
and that he who seems only, and is not good, only seems to be and is not
a friend; and of an enemy the same may be said.

You would argue that the good are our friends and the bad our enemies?

Yes.

And instead of saying simply as we did at first, that it is just to do
good to our friends and harm to our enemies, we should further say: It
is just to do good to our friends when they are good and harm to our
enemies when they are evil?

Yes, that appears to me to be the truth.

But ought the just to injure any one at all?

Undoubtedly he ought to injure those who are both wicked and his
enemies.

When horses are injured, are they improved or deteriorated?

The latter.

Deteriorated, that is to say, in the good qualities of horses, not of
dogs?

Yes, of horses.

And dogs are deteriorated in the good qualities of dogs, and not of
horses?

Of course.

And will not men who are injured be deteriorated in that which is the
proper virtue of man?

Certainly.

And that human virtue is justice?

To be sure.

Then men who are injured are of necessity made unjust?

That is the result.

But can the musician by his art make men unmusical?

Certainly not.

Or the horseman by his art make them bad horsemen?

Impossible.

And can the just by justice make men unjust, or speaking generally, can
the good by virtue make them bad?

Assuredly not.

Any more than heat can produce cold?

It cannot.

Or drought moisture?

Clearly not.

Nor can the good harm any one?

Impossible.

And the just is the good?

Certainly.

Then to injure a friend or any one else is not the act of a just man,
but of the opposite, who is the unjust?

I think that what you say is quite true, Socrates.

Then if a man says that justice consists in the repayment of debts, and
that good is the debt which a just man owes to his friends, and evil the
debt which he owes to his enemies,--to say this is not wise; for it is
not true, if, as has been clearly shown, the injuring of another can be
in no case just.

I agree with you, said Polemarchus.

Then you and I are prepared to take up arms against any one who
attributes such a saying to Simonides or Bias or Pittacus, or any other
wise man or seer?

I am quite ready to do battle at your side, he said.

Shall I tell you whose I believe the saying to be?

Whose?

I believe that Periander or Perdiccas or Xerxes or Ismenias the Theban,
or some other rich and mighty man, who had a great opinion of his own
power, was the first to say that justice is 'doing good to your friends
and harm to your enemies.'

Most true, he said.

Yes, I said; but if this definition of justice also breaks down, what
other can be offered?

Several times in the course of the discussion Thrasymachus had made an
attempt to get the argument into his own hands, and had been put down
by the rest of the company, who wanted to hear the end. But when
Polemarchus and I had done speaking and there was a pause, he could no
longer hold his peace; and, gathering himself up, he came at us like a
wild beast, seeking to devour us. We were quite panic-stricken at the
sight of him.

He roared out to the whole company: What folly, Socrates, has taken
possession of you all? And why, sillybillies, do you knock under to
one another? I say that if you want really to know what justice is,
you should not only ask but answer, and you should not seek honour to
yourself from the refutation of an opponent, but have your own answer;
for there is many a one who can ask and cannot answer. And now I will
not have you say that justice is duty or advantage or profit or gain
or interest, for this sort of nonsense will not do for me; I must have
clearness and accuracy.

I was panic-stricken at his words, and could not look at him without
trembling. Indeed I believe that if I had not fixed my eye upon him, I
should have been struck dumb: but when I saw his fury rising, I looked
at him first, and was therefore able to reply to him.

Thrasymachus, I said, with a quiver, don't be hard upon us. Polemarchus
and I may have been guilty of a little mistake in the argument, but I
can assure you that the error was not intentional. If we were seeking
for a piece of gold, you would not imagine that we were 'knocking under
to one another,' and so losing our chance of finding it. And why, when
we are seeking for justice, a thing more precious than many pieces of
gold, do you say that we are weakly yielding to one another and not
doing our utmost to get at the truth? Nay, my good friend, we are most
willing and anxious to do so, but the fact is that we cannot. And if so,
you people who know all things should pity us and not be angry with us.

How characteristic of Socrates! he replied, with a bitter laugh;--that's
your ironical style! Did I not foresee--have I not already told you,
that whatever he was asked he would refuse to answer, and try irony or
any other shuffle, in order that he might avoid answering?

You are a philosopher, Thrasymachus, I replied, and well know that if
you ask a person what numbers make up twelve, taking care to prohibit
him whom you ask from answering twice six, or three times four, or six
times two, or four times three, 'for this sort of nonsense will not do
for me,'--then obviously, if that is your way of putting the
question, no one can answer you. But suppose that he were to retort,
'Thrasymachus, what do you mean? If one of these numbers which you
interdict be the true answer to the question, am I falsely to say some
other number which is not the right one?--is that your meaning?'--How
would you answer him?

Just as if the two cases were at all alike! he said.

Why should they not be? I replied; and even if they are not, but only
appear to be so to the person who is asked, ought he not to say what he
thinks, whether you and I forbid him or not?

I presume then that you are going to make one of the interdicted
answers?

I dare say that I may, notwithstanding the danger, if upon reflection I
approve of any of them.

But what if I give you an answer about justice other and better, he
said, than any of these? What do you deserve to have done to you?

Done to me!--as becomes the ignorant, I must learn from the wise--that
is what I deserve to have done to me.

What, and no payment! a pleasant notion!

I will pay when I have the money, I replied.

But you have, Socrates, said Glaucon: and you, Thrasymachus, need be
under no anxiety about money, for we will all make a contribution for
Socrates.

Yes, he replied, and then Socrates will do as he always does--refuse to
answer himself, but take and pull to pieces the answer of some one else.

Why, my good friend, I said, how can any one answer who knows, and says
that he knows, just nothing; and who, even if he has some faint notions
of his own, is told by a man of authority not to utter them? The
natural thing is, that the speaker should be some one like yourself
who professes to know and can tell what he knows. Will you then kindly
answer, for the edification of the company and of myself?

Glaucon and the rest of the company joined in my request, and
Thrasymachus, as any one might see, was in reality eager to speak;
for he thought that he had an excellent answer, and would distinguish
himself. But at first he affected to insist on my answering; at length
he consented to begin. Behold, he said, the wisdom of Socrates; he
refuses to teach himself, and goes about learning of others, to whom he
never even says Thank you.

That I learn of others, I replied, is quite true; but that I am
ungrateful I wholly deny. Money I have none, and therefore I pay in
praise, which is all I have; and how ready I am to praise any one who
appears to me to speak well you will very soon find out when you answer;
for I expect that you will answer well.

Listen, then, he said; I proclaim that justice is nothing else than
the interest of the stronger. And now why do you not praise me? But of
course you won't.

Let me first understand you, I replied. Justice, as you say, is the
interest of the stronger. What, Thrasymachus, is the meaning of this?
You cannot mean to say that because Polydamas, the pancratiast, is
stronger than we are, and finds the eating of beef conducive to his
bodily strength, that to eat beef is therefore equally for our good who
are weaker than he is, and right and just for us?

That's abominable of you, Socrates; you take the words in the sense
which is most damaging to the argument.

Not at all, my good sir, I said; I am trying to understand them; and I
wish that you would be a little clearer.

Well, he said, have you never heard that forms of government differ;
there are tyrannies, and there are democracies, and there are
aristocracies?

Yes, I know.

And the government is the ruling power in each state?

Certainly.

And the different forms of government make laws democratical,
aristocratical, tyrannical, with a view to their several interests;
and these laws, which are made by them for their own interests, are the
justice which they deliver to their subjects, and him who transgresses
them they punish as a breaker of the law, and unjust. And that is what
I mean when I say that in all states there is the same principle of
justice, which is the interest of the government; and as the government
must be supposed to have power, the only reasonable conclusion is, that
everywhere there is one principle of justice, which is the interest of
the stronger.

Now I understand you, I said; and whether you are right or not I will
try to discover. But let me remark, that in defining justice you have
yourself used the word 'interest' which you forbade me to use. It is
true, however, that in your definition the words 'of the stronger' are
added.

A small addition, you must allow, he said.

Great or small, never mind about that: we must first enquire whether
what you are saying is the truth. Now we are both agreed that justice
is interest of some sort, but you go on to say 'of the stronger'; about
this addition I am not so sure, and must therefore consider further.

Proceed.

I will; and first tell me, Do you admit that it is just for subjects to
obey their rulers?

I do.

But are the rulers of states absolutely infallible, or are they
sometimes liable to err?

To be sure, he replied, they are liable to err.

Then in making their laws they may sometimes make them rightly, and
sometimes not?

True.

When they make them rightly, they make them agreeably to their interest;
when they are mistaken, contrary to their interest; you admit that?

Yes.

And the laws which they make must be obeyed by their subjects,--and that
is what you call justice?

Doubtless.

Then justice, according to your argument, is not only obedience to the
interest of the stronger but the reverse?

What is that you are saying? he asked.

I am only repeating what you are saying, I believe. But let us consider:
Have we not admitted that the rulers may be mistaken about their own
interest in what they command, and also that to obey them is justice?
Has not that been admitted?

Yes.

Then you must also have acknowledged justice not to be for the interest
of the stronger, when the rulers unintentionally command things to be
done which are to their own injury. For if, as you say, justice is the
obedience which the subject renders to their commands, in that case, O
wisest of men, is there any escape from the conclusion that the weaker
are commanded to do, not what is for the interest, but what is for the
injury of the stronger?

Nothing can be clearer, Socrates, said Polemarchus.

Yes, said Cleitophon, interposing, if you are allowed to be his witness.

But there is no need of any witness, said Polemarchus, for Thrasymachus
himself acknowledges that rulers may sometimes command what is not for
their own interest, and that for subjects to obey them is justice.

Yes, Polemarchus,--Thrasymachus said that for subjects to do what was
commanded by their rulers is just.

Yes, Cleitophon, but he also said that justice is the interest of the
stronger, and, while admitting both these propositions, he further
acknowledged that the stronger may command the weaker who are his
subjects to do what is not for his own interest; whence follows that
justice is the injury quite as much as the interest of the stronger.

But, said Cleitophon, he meant by the interest of the stronger what the
stronger thought to be his interest,--this was what the weaker had to
do; and this was affirmed by him to be justice.

Those were not his words, rejoined Polemarchus.

Never mind, I replied, if he now says that they are, let us accept his
statement. Tell me, Thrasymachus, I said, did you mean by justice what
the stronger thought to be his interest, whether really so or not?

Certainly not, he said. Do you suppose that I call him who is mistaken
the stronger at the time when he is mistaken?

Yes, I said, my impression was that you did so, when you admitted that
the ruler was not infallible but might be sometimes mistaken.

You argue like an informer, Socrates. Do you mean, for example, that he
who is mistaken about the sick is a physician in that he is mistaken?
or that he who errs in arithmetic or grammar is an arithmetician or
grammarian at the time when he is making the mistake, in respect of the
mistake? True, we say that the physician or arithmetician or grammarian
has made a mistake, but this is only a way of speaking; for the fact is
that neither the grammarian nor any other person of skill ever makes a
mistake in so far as he is what his name implies; they none of them
err unless their skill fails them, and then they cease to be skilled
artists. No artist or sage or ruler errs at the time when he is what
his name implies; though he is commonly said to err, and I adopted the
common mode of speaking. But to be perfectly accurate, since you are
such a lover of accuracy, we should say that the ruler, in so far as he
is a ruler, is unerring, and, being unerring, always commands that which
is for his own interest; and the subject is required to execute his
commands; and therefore, as I said at first and now repeat, justice is
the interest of the stronger.

Indeed, Thrasymachus, and do I really appear to you to argue like an
informer?

Certainly, he replied.

And do you suppose that I ask these questions with any design of
injuring you in the argument?

Nay, he replied, 'suppose' is not the word--I know it; but you will be
found out, and by sheer force of argument you will never prevail.

I shall not make the attempt, my dear man; but to avoid any
misunderstanding occurring between us in future, let me ask, in what
sense do you speak of a ruler or stronger whose interest, as you were
saying, he being the superior, it is just that the inferior should
execute--is he a ruler in the popular or in the strict sense of the
term?

In the strictest of all senses, he said. And now cheat and play the
informer if you can; I ask no quarter at your hands. But you never will
be able, never.

And do you imagine, I said, that I am such a madman as to try and cheat,
Thrasymachus? I might as well shave a lion.

Why, he said, you made the attempt a minute ago, and you failed.

Enough, I said, of these civilities. It will be better that I should ask
you a question: Is the physician, taken in that strict sense of which
you are speaking, a healer of the sick or a maker of money? And remember
that I am now speaking of the true physician.

A healer of the sick, he replied.

And the pilot--that is to say, the true pilot--is he a captain of
sailors or a mere sailor?

A captain of sailors.

The circumstance that he sails in the ship is not to be taken into
account; neither is he to be called a sailor; the name pilot by which he
is distinguished has nothing to do with sailing, but is significant of
his skill and of his authority over the sailors.

Very true, he said.

Now, I said, every art has an interest?

Certainly.

For which the art has to consider and provide?

Yes, that is the aim of art.

And the interest of any art is the perfection of it--this and nothing
else?

What do you mean?

I mean what I may illustrate negatively by the example of the body.
Suppose you were to ask me whether the body is self-sufficing or has
wants, I should reply: Certainly the body has wants; for the body may
be ill and require to be cured, and has therefore interests to which
the art of medicine ministers; and this is the origin and intention of
medicine, as you will acknowledge. Am I not right?

Quite right, he replied.

But is the art of medicine or any other art faulty or deficient in any
quality in the same way that the eye may be deficient in sight or the
ear fail of hearing, and therefore requires another art to provide
for the interests of seeing and hearing--has art in itself, I say, any
similar liability to fault or defect, and does every art require another
supplementary art to provide for its interests, and that another and
another without end? Or have the arts to look only after their
own interests? Or have they no need either of themselves or of
another?--having no faults or defects, they have no need to correct
them, either by the exercise of their own art or of any other; they have
only to consider the interest of their subject-matter. For every art
remains pure and faultless while remaining true--that is to say, while
perfect and unimpaired. Take the words in your precise sense, and tell
me whether I am not right.

Yes, clearly.

Then medicine does not consider the interest of medicine, but the
interest of the body?

True, he said.

Nor does the art of horsemanship consider the interests of the art of
horsemanship, but the interests of the horse; neither do any other arts
care for themselves, for they have no needs; they care only for that
which is the subject of their art?

True, he said.

But surely, Thrasymachus, the arts are the superiors and rulers of their
own subjects?

To this he assented with a good deal of reluctance.

Then, I said, no science or art considers or enjoins the interest of the
stronger or superior, but only the interest of the subject and weaker?

He made an attempt to contest this proposition also, but finally
acquiesced.

Then, I continued, no physician, in so far as he is a physician,
considers his own good in what he prescribes, but the good of his
patient; for the true physician is also a ruler having the human body as
a subject, and is not a mere money-maker; that has been admitted?

Yes.

And the pilot likewise, in the strict sense of the term, is a ruler of
sailors and not a mere sailor?

That has been admitted.

And such a pilot and ruler will provide and prescribe for the interest
of the sailor who is under him, and not for his own or the ruler's
interest?

He gave a reluctant 'Yes.'

Then, I said, Thrasymachus, there is no one in any rule who, in so far
as he is a ruler, considers or enjoins what is for his own interest, but
always what is for the interest of his subject or suitable to his art;
to that he looks, and that alone he considers in everything which he
says and does.

When we had got to this point in the argument, and every one saw that
the definition of justice had been completely upset, Thrasymachus,
instead of replying to me, said: Tell me, Socrates, have you got a
nurse?

Why do you ask such a question, I said, when you ought rather to be
answering?

Because she leaves you to snivel, and never wipes your nose: she has not
even taught you to know the shepherd from the sheep.

What makes you say that? I replied.

Because you fancy that the shepherd or neatherd fattens or tends the
sheep or oxen with a view to their own good and not to the good of
himself or his master; and you further imagine that the rulers of
states, if they are true rulers, never think of their subjects as sheep,
and that they are not studying their own advantage day and night. Oh,
no; and so entirely astray are you in your ideas about the just and
unjust as not even to know that justice and the just are in reality
another's good; that is to say, the interest of the ruler and stronger,
and the loss of the subject and servant; and injustice the opposite; for
the unjust is lord over the truly simple and just: he is the stronger,
and his subjects do what is for his interest, and minister to his
happiness, which is very far from being their own. Consider further,
most foolish Socrates, that the just is always a loser in comparison
with the unjust. First of all, in private contracts: wherever the unjust
is the partner of the just you will find that, when the partnership is
dissolved, the unjust man has always more and the just less. Secondly,
in their dealings with the State: when there is an income-tax, the just
man will pay more and the unjust less on the same amount of income;
and when there is anything to be received the one gains nothing and the
other much. Observe also what happens when they take an office; there is
the just man neglecting his affairs and perhaps suffering other losses,
and getting nothing out of the public, because he is just; moreover he
is hated by his friends and acquaintance for refusing to serve them in
unlawful ways. But all this is reversed in the case of the unjust man.
I am speaking, as before, of injustice on a large scale in which the
advantage of the unjust is most apparent; and my meaning will be most
clearly seen if we turn to that highest form of injustice in which the
criminal is the happiest of men, and the sufferers or those who refuse
to do injustice are the most miserable--that is to say tyranny, which by
fraud and force takes away the property of others, not little by little
but wholesale; comprehending in one, things sacred as well as profane,
private and public; for which acts of wrong, if he were detected
perpetrating any one of them singly, he would be punished and incur
great disgrace--they who do such wrong in particular cases are called
robbers of temples, and man-stealers and burglars and swindlers and
thieves. But when a man besides taking away the money of the citizens
has made slaves of them, then, instead of these names of reproach, he is
termed happy and blessed, not only by the citizens but by all who
hear of his having achieved the consummation of injustice. For mankind
censure injustice, fearing that they may be the victims of it and not
because they shrink from committing it. And thus, as I have shown,
Socrates, injustice, when on a sufficient scale, has more strength and
freedom and mastery than justice; and, as I said at first, justice is
the interest of the stronger, whereas injustice is a man's own profit
and interest.

Thrasymachus, when he had thus spoken, having, like a bath-man, deluged
our ears with his words, had a mind to go away. But the company
would not let him; they insisted that he should remain and defend his
position; and I myself added my own humble request that he would not
leave us. Thrasymachus, I said to him, excellent man, how suggestive
are your remarks! And are you going to run away before you have fairly
taught or learned whether they are true or not? Is the attempt to
determine the way of man's life so small a matter in your eyes--to
determine how life may be passed by each one of us to the greatest
advantage?

And do I differ from you, he said, as to the importance of the enquiry?

You appear rather, I replied, to have no care or thought about us,
Thrasymachus--whether we live better or worse from not knowing what you
say you know, is to you a matter of indifference. Prithee, friend,
do not keep your knowledge to yourself; we are a large party; and any
benefit which you confer upon us will be amply rewarded. For my own
part I openly declare that I am not convinced, and that I do not believe
injustice to be more gainful than justice, even if uncontrolled and
allowed to have free play. For, granting that there may be an unjust
man who is able to commit injustice either by fraud or force, still this
does not convince me of the superior advantage of injustice, and there
may be others who are in the same predicament with myself. Perhaps we
may be wrong; if so, you in your wisdom should convince us that we are
mistaken in preferring justice to injustice.

And how am I to convince you, he said, if you are not already convinced
by what I have just said; what more can I do for you? Would you have me
put the proof bodily into your souls?

Heaven forbid! I said; I would only ask you to be consistent; or, if you
change, change openly and let there be no deception. For I must remark,
Thrasymachus, if you will recall what was previously said, that although
you began by defining the true physician in an exact sense, you did not
observe a like exactness when speaking of the shepherd; you thought that
the shepherd as a shepherd tends the sheep not with a view to their own
good, but like a mere diner or banquetter with a view to the pleasures
of the table; or, again, as a trader for sale in the market, and not as
a shepherd. Yet surely the art of the shepherd is concerned only with
the good of his subjects; he has only to provide the best for them,
since the perfection of the art is already ensured whenever all the
requirements of it are satisfied. And that was what I was saying just
now about the ruler. I conceived that the art of the ruler, considered
as ruler, whether in a state or in private life, could only regard the
good of his flock or subjects; whereas you seem to think that the rulers
in states, that is to say, the true rulers, like being in authority.

Think! Nay, I am sure of it.

Then why in the case of lesser offices do men never take them willingly
without payment, unless under the idea that they govern for the
advantage not of themselves but of others? Let me ask you a question:
Are not the several arts different, by reason of their each having a
separate function? And, my dear illustrious friend, do say what you
think, that we may make a little progress.

Yes, that is the difference, he replied.

And each art gives us a particular good and not merely a general
one--medicine, for example, gives us health; navigation, safety at sea,
and so on?

Yes, he said.

And the art of payment has the special function of giving pay: but we do
not confuse this with other arts, any more than the art of the pilot is
to be confused with the art of medicine, because the health of the pilot
may be improved by a sea voyage. You would not be inclined to say, would
you, that navigation is the art of medicine, at least if we are to adopt
your exact use of language?

Certainly not.

Or because a man is in good health when he receives pay you would not
say that the art of payment is medicine?

I should not.

Nor would you say that medicine is the art of receiving pay because a
man takes fees when he is engaged in healing?

Certainly not.

And we have admitted, I said, that the good of each art is specially
confined to the art?

Yes.

Then, if there be any good which all artists have in common, that is to
be attributed to something of which they all have the common use?

True, he replied.

And when the artist is benefited by receiving pay the advantage is
gained by an additional use of the art of pay, which is not the art
professed by him?

He gave a reluctant assent to this.

Then the pay is not derived by the several artists from their respective
arts. But the truth is, that while the art of medicine gives health, and
the art of the builder builds a house, another art attends them which
is the art of pay. The various arts may be doing their own business and
benefiting that over which they preside, but would the artist receive
any benefit from his art unless he were paid as well?

I suppose not.

But does he therefore confer no benefit when he works for nothing?

Certainly, he confers a benefit.

Then now, Thrasymachus, there is no longer any doubt that neither arts
nor governments provide for their own interests; but, as we were before
saying, they rule and provide for the interests of their subjects who
are the weaker and not the stronger--to their good they attend and
not to the good of the superior. And this is the reason, my dear
Thrasymachus, why, as I was just now saying, no one is willing to
govern; because no one likes to take in hand the reformation of evils
which are not his concern without remuneration. For, in the execution of
his work, and in giving his orders to another, the true artist does not
regard his own interest, but always that of his subjects; and therefore
in order that rulers may be willing to rule, they must be paid in one of
three modes of payment, money, or honour, or a penalty for refusing.

What do you mean, Socrates? said Glaucon. The first two modes of payment
are intelligible enough, but what the penalty is I do not understand, or
how a penalty can be a payment.

You mean that you do not understand the nature of this payment which to
the best men is the great inducement to rule? Of course you know that
ambition and avarice are held to be, as indeed they are, a disgrace?

Very true.

And for this reason, I said, money and honour have no attraction for
them; good men do not wish to be openly demanding payment for governing
and so to get the name of hirelings, nor by secretly helping themselves
out of the public revenues to get the name of thieves. And not being
ambitious they do not care about honour. Wherefore necessity must be
laid upon them, and they must be induced to serve from the fear of
punishment. And this, as I imagine, is the reason why the forwardness
to take office, instead of waiting to be compelled, has been deemed
dishonourable. Now the worst part of the punishment is that he who
refuses to rule is liable to be ruled by one who is worse than himself.
And the fear of this, as I conceive, induces the good to take office,
not because they would, but because they cannot help--not under the idea
that they are going to have any benefit or enjoyment themselves, but as
a necessity, and because they are not able to commit the task of ruling
to any one who is better than themselves, or indeed as good. For there
is reason to think that if a city were composed entirely of good men,
then to avoid office would be as much an object of contention as to
obtain office is at present; then we should have plain proof that the
true ruler is not meant by nature to regard his own interest, but that
of his subjects; and every one who knew this would choose rather to
receive a benefit from another than to have the trouble of conferring
one. So far am I from agreeing with Thrasymachus that justice is the
interest of the stronger. This latter question need not be further
discussed at present; but when Thrasymachus says that the life of the
unjust is more advantageous than that of the just, his new statement
appears to me to be of a far more serious character. Which of us has
spoken truly? And which sort of life, Glaucon, do you prefer?

I for my part deem the life of the just to be the more advantageous, he
answered.

Did you hear all the advantages of the unjust which Thrasymachus was
rehearsing?

Yes, I heard him, he replied, but he has not convinced me.

Then shall we try to find some way of convincing him, if we can, that he
is saying what is not true?

Most certainly, he replied.

If, I said, he makes a set speech and we make another recounting all the
advantages of being just, and he answers and we rejoin, there must be a
numbering and measuring of the goods which are claimed on either side,
and in the end we shall want judges to decide; but if we proceed in our
enquiry as we lately did, by making admissions to one another, we shall
unite the offices of judge and advocate in our own persons.

Very good, he said.

And which method do I understand you to prefer? I said.

That which you propose.

Well, then, Thrasymachus, I said, suppose you begin at the beginning and
answer me. You say that perfect injustice is more gainful than perfect
justice?

Yes, that is what I say, and I have given you my reasons.

And what is your view about them? Would you call one of them virtue and
the other vice?

Certainly.

I suppose that you would call justice virtue and injustice vice?

What a charming notion! So likely too, seeing that I affirm injustice to
be profitable and justice not.

What else then would you say?

The opposite, he replied.

And would you call justice vice?

No, I would rather say sublime simplicity.

Then would you call injustice malignity?

No; I would rather say discretion.

And do the unjust appear to you to be wise and good?

Yes, he said; at any rate those of them who are able to be perfectly
unjust, and who have the power of subduing states and nations; but
perhaps you imagine me to be talking of cutpurses. Even this profession
if undetected has advantages, though they are not to be compared with
those of which I was just now speaking.

I do not think that I misapprehend your meaning, Thrasymachus, I
replied; but still I cannot hear without amazement that you class
injustice with wisdom and virtue, and justice with the opposite.

Certainly I do so class them.

Now, I said, you are on more substantial and almost unanswerable ground;
for if the injustice which you were maintaining to be profitable had
been admitted by you as by others to be vice and deformity, an answer
might have been given to you on received principles; but now I perceive
that you will call injustice honourable and strong, and to the unjust
you will attribute all the qualities which were attributed by us before
to the just, seeing that you do not hesitate to rank injustice with
wisdom and virtue.

You have guessed most infallibly, he replied.

Then I certainly ought not to shrink from going through with the
argument so long as I have reason to think that you, Thrasymachus, are
speaking your real mind; for I do believe that you are now in earnest
and are not amusing yourself at our expense.

I may be in earnest or not, but what is that to you?--to refute the
argument is your business.

Very true, I said; that is what I have to do: But will you be so good
as answer yet one more question? Does the just man try to gain any
advantage over the just?

Far otherwise; if he did he would not be the simple amusing creature
which he is.

And would he try to go beyond just action?

He would not.

And how would he regard the attempt to gain an advantage over the
unjust; would that be considered by him as just or unjust?

He would think it just, and would try to gain the advantage; but he
would not be able.

Whether he would or would not be able, I said, is not to the point. My
question is only whether the just man, while refusing to have more than
another just man, would wish and claim to have more than the unjust?

Yes, he would.

And what of the unjust--does he claim to have more than the just man and
to do more than is just?

Of course, he said, for he claims to have more than all men.

And the unjust man will strive and struggle to obtain more than the
unjust man or action, in order that he may have more than all?

True.

We may put the matter thus, I said--the just does not desire more than
his like but more than his unlike, whereas the unjust desires more than
both his like and his unlike?

Nothing, he said, can be better than that statement.

And the unjust is good and wise, and the just is neither?

Good again, he said.

And is not the unjust like the wise and good and the just unlike them?

Of course, he said, he who is of a certain nature, is like those who are
of a certain nature; he who is not, not.

Each of them, I said, is such as his like is?

Certainly, he replied.

Very good, Thrasymachus, I said; and now to take the case of the arts:
you would admit that one man is a musician and another not a musician?

Yes.

And which is wise and which is foolish?

Clearly the musician is wise, and he who is not a musician is foolish.

And he is good in as far as he is wise, and bad in as far as he is
foolish?

Yes.

And you would say the same sort of thing of the physician?

Yes.

And do you think, my excellent friend, that a musician when he adjusts
the lyre would desire or claim to exceed or go beyond a musician in the
tightening and loosening the strings?

I do not think that he would.

But he would claim to exceed the non-musician?

Of course.

And what would you say of the physician? In prescribing meats and drinks
would he wish to go beyond another physician or beyond the practice of
medicine?

He would not.

But he would wish to go beyond the non-physician?

Yes.

And about knowledge and ignorance in general; see whether you think that
any man who has knowledge ever would wish to have the choice of saying
or doing more than another man who has knowledge. Would he not rather
say or do the same as his like in the same case?

That, I suppose, can hardly be denied.

And what of the ignorant? would he not desire to have more than either
the knowing or the ignorant?

I dare say.

And the knowing is wise?

Yes.

And the wise is good?

True.

Then the wise and good will not desire to gain more than his like, but
more than his unlike and opposite?

I suppose so.

Whereas the bad and ignorant will desire to gain more than both?

Yes.

But did we not say, Thrasymachus, that the unjust goes beyond both his
like and unlike? Were not these your words?

They were.

And you also said that the just will not go beyond his like but his
unlike?

Yes.

Then the just is like the wise and good, and the unjust like the evil
and ignorant?

That is the inference.

And each of them is such as his like is?

That was admitted.

Then the just has turned out to be wise and good and the unjust evil and
ignorant.

Thrasymachus made all these admissions, not fluently, as I repeat
them, but with extreme reluctance; it was a hot summer's day, and the
perspiration poured from him in torrents; and then I saw what I had
never seen before, Thrasymachus blushing. As we were now agreed that
justice was virtue and wisdom, and injustice vice and ignorance, I
proceeded to another point:

Well, I said, Thrasymachus, that matter is now settled; but were we not
also saying that injustice had strength; do you remember?

Yes, I remember, he said, but do not suppose that I approve of what you
are saying or have no answer; if however I were to answer, you would be
quite certain to accuse me of haranguing; therefore either permit me to
have my say out, or if you would rather ask, do so, and I will answer
'Very good,' as they say to story-telling old women, and will nod 'Yes'
and 'No.'

Certainly not, I said, if contrary to your real opinion.

Yes, he said, I will, to please you, since you will not let me speak.
What else would you have?

Nothing in the world, I said; and if you are so disposed I will ask and
you shall answer.

Proceed.

Then I will repeat the question which I asked before, in order that
our examination of the relative nature of justice and injustice may be
carried on regularly. A statement was made that injustice is stronger
and more powerful than justice, but now justice, having been identified
with wisdom and virtue, is easily shown to be stronger than injustice,
if injustice is ignorance; this can no longer be questioned by any one.
But I want to view the matter, Thrasymachus, in a different way: You
would not deny that a state may be unjust and may be unjustly attempting
to enslave other states, or may have already enslaved them, and may be
holding many of them in subjection?

True, he replied; and I will add that the best and most perfectly unjust
state will be most likely to do so.

I know, I said, that such was your position; but what I would further
consider is, whether this power which is possessed by the superior state
can exist or be exercised without justice or only with justice.

If you are right in your view, and justice is wisdom, then only with
justice; but if I am right, then without justice.

I am delighted, Thrasymachus, to see you not only nodding assent and
dissent, but making answers which are quite excellent.

That is out of civility to you, he replied.

You are very kind, I said; and would you have the goodness also to
inform me, whether you think that a state, or an army, or a band of
robbers and thieves, or any other gang of evil-doers could act at all if
they injured one another?

No indeed, he said, they could not.

But if they abstained from injuring one another, then they might act
together better?

Yes.

And this is because injustice creates divisions and hatreds and
fighting, and justice imparts harmony and friendship; is not that true,
Thrasymachus?

I agree, he said, because I do not wish to quarrel with you.

How good of you, I said; but I should like to know also whether
injustice, having this tendency to arouse hatred, wherever existing,
among slaves or among freemen, will not make them hate one another and
set them at variance and render them incapable of common action?

Certainly.

And even if injustice be found in two only, will they not quarrel and
fight, and become enemies to one another and to the just?

They will.

And suppose injustice abiding in a single person, would your wisdom say
that she loses or that she retains her natural power?

Let us assume that she retains her power.

Yet is not the power which injustice exercises of such a nature that
wherever she takes up her abode, whether in a city, in an army, in a
family, or in any other body, that body is, to begin with, rendered
incapable of united action by reason of sedition and distraction; and
does it not become its own enemy and at variance with all that opposes
it, and with the just? Is not this the case?

Yes, certainly.

And is not injustice equally fatal when existing in a single person; in
the first place rendering him incapable of action because he is not
at unity with himself, and in the second place making him an enemy to
himself and the just? Is not that true, Thrasymachus?

Yes.

And O my friend, I said, surely the gods are just?

Granted that they are.

But if so, the unjust will be the enemy of the gods, and the just will
be their friend?

Feast away in triumph, and take your fill of the argument; I will not
oppose you, lest I should displease the company.

Well then, proceed with your answers, and let me have the remainder of
my repast. For we have already shown that the just are clearly wiser and
better and abler than the unjust, and that the unjust are incapable of
common action; nay more, that to speak as we did of men who are evil
acting at any time vigorously together, is not strictly true, for
if they had been perfectly evil, they would have laid hands upon one
another; but it is evident that there must have been some remnant of
justice in them, which enabled them to combine; if there had not been
they would have injured one another as well as their victims; they
were but half-villains in their enterprises; for had they been whole
villains, and utterly unjust, they would have been utterly incapable of
action. That, as I believe, is the truth of the matter, and not what you
said at first. But whether the just have a better and happier life than
the unjust is a further question which we also proposed to consider. I
think that they have, and for the reasons which I have given; but still
I should like to examine further, for no light matter is at stake,
nothing less than the rule of human life.

Proceed.

I will proceed by asking a question: Would you not say that a horse has
some end?

I should.

And the end or use of a horse or of anything would be that which could
not be accomplished, or not so well accomplished, by any other thing?

I do not understand, he said.

Let me explain: Can you see, except with the eye?

Certainly not.

Or hear, except with the ear?

No.

These then may be truly said to be the ends of these organs?

They may.

But you can cut off a vine-branch with a dagger or with a chisel, and in
many other ways?

Of course.

And yet not so well as with a pruning-hook made for the purpose?

True.

May we not say that this is the end of a pruning-hook?

We may.

Then now I think you will have no difficulty in understanding my meaning
when I asked the question whether the end of anything would be that
which could not be accomplished, or not so well accomplished, by any
other thing?

I understand your meaning, he said, and assent.

And that to which an end is appointed has also an excellence? Need I ask
again whether the eye has an end?

It has.

And has not the eye an excellence?

Yes.

And the ear has an end and an excellence also?

True.

And the same is true of all other things; they have each of them an end
and a special excellence?

That is so.

Well, and can the eyes fulfil their end if they are wanting in their own
proper excellence and have a defect instead?

How can they, he said, if they are blind and cannot see?

You mean to say, if they have lost their proper excellence, which is
sight; but I have not arrived at that point yet. I would rather ask
the question more generally, and only enquire whether the things which
fulfil their ends fulfil them by their own proper excellence, and fail
of fulfilling them by their own defect?

Certainly, he replied.

I might say the same of the ears; when deprived of their own proper
excellence they cannot fulfil their end?

True.

And the same observation will apply to all other things?

I agree.

Well; and has not the soul an end which nothing else can fulfil? for
example, to superintend and command and deliberate and the like. Are not
these functions proper to the soul, and can they rightly be assigned to
any other?

To no other.

And is not life to be reckoned among the ends of the soul?

Assuredly, he said.

And has not the soul an excellence also?

Yes.

And can she or can she not fulfil her own ends when deprived of that
excellence?

She cannot.

Then an evil soul must necessarily be an evil ruler and superintendent,
and the good soul a good ruler?

Yes, necessarily.

And we have admitted that justice is the excellence of the soul, and
injustice the defect of the soul?

That has been admitted.

Then the just soul and the just man will live well, and the unjust man
will live ill?

That is what your argument proves.

And he who lives well is blessed and happy, and he who lives ill the
reverse of happy?

Certainly.

Then the just is happy, and the unjust miserable?

So be it.

But happiness and not misery is profitable.

Of course.

Then, my blessed Thrasymachus, injustice can never be more profitable
than justice.

Let this, Socrates, he said, be your entertainment at the Bendidea.

For which I am indebted to you, I said, now that you have grown gentle
towards me and have left off scolding. Nevertheless, I have not been
well entertained; but that was my own fault and not yours. As an epicure
snatches a taste of every dish which is successively brought to table,
he not having allowed himself time to enjoy the one before, so have I
gone from one subject to another without having discovered what I sought
at first, the nature of justice. I left that enquiry and turned away
to consider whether justice is virtue and wisdom or evil and folly; and
when there arose a further question about the comparative advantages of
justice and injustice, I could not refrain from passing on to that. And
the result of the whole discussion has been that I know nothing at all.
For I know not what justice is, and therefore I am not likely to know
whether it is or is not a virtue, nor can I say whether the just man is
happy or unhappy.




BOOK II.

With these words I was thinking that I had made an end of the
discussion; but the end, in truth, proved to be only a beginning. For
Glaucon, who is always the most pugnacious of men, was dissatisfied at
Thrasymachus' retirement; he wanted to have the battle out. So he said
to me: Socrates, do you wish really to persuade us, or only to seem to
have persuaded us, that to be just is always better than to be unjust?

I should wish really to persuade you, I replied, if I could.

Then you certainly have not succeeded. Let me ask you now:--How would
you arrange goods--are there not some which we welcome for their
own sakes, and independently of their consequences, as, for example,
harmless pleasures and enjoyments, which delight us at the time,
although nothing follows from them?

I agree in thinking that there is such a class, I replied.

Is there not also a second class of goods, such as knowledge, sight,
health, which are desirable not only in themselves, but also for their
results?

Certainly, I said.

And would you not recognize a third class, such as gymnastic, and the
care of the sick, and the physician's art; also the various ways of
money-making--these do us good but we regard them as disagreeable; and
no one would choose them for their own sakes, but only for the sake of
some reward or result which flows from them?

There is, I said, this third class also. But why do you ask?

Because I want to know in which of the three classes you would place
justice?

In the highest class, I replied,--among those goods which he who would
be happy desires both for their own sake and for the sake of their
results.

Then the many are of another mind; they think that justice is to be
reckoned in the troublesome class, among goods which are to be pursued
for the sake of rewards and of reputation, but in themselves are
disagreeable and rather to be avoided.

I know, I said, that this is their manner of thinking, and that this was
the thesis which Thrasymachus was maintaining just now, when he censured
justice and praised injustice. But I am too stupid to be convinced by
him.

I wish, he said, that you would hear me as well as him, and then I shall
see whether you and I agree. For Thrasymachus seems to me, like a snake,
to have been charmed by your voice sooner than he ought to have been;
but to my mind the nature of justice and injustice have not yet been
made clear. Setting aside their rewards and results, I want to know what
they are in themselves, and how they inwardly work in the soul. If you,
please, then, I will revive the argument of Thrasymachus. And first I
will speak of the nature and origin of justice according to the common
view of them. Secondly, I will show that all men who practise justice do
so against their will, of necessity, but not as a good. And thirdly, I
will argue that there is reason in this view, for the life of the unjust
is after all better far than the life of the just--if what they say
is true, Socrates, since I myself am not of their opinion. But still I
acknowledge that I am perplexed when I hear the voices of Thrasymachus
and myriads of others dinning in my ears; and, on the other hand, I have
never yet heard the superiority of justice to injustice maintained by
any one in a satisfactory way. I want to hear justice praised in respect
of itself; then I shall be satisfied, and you are the person from whom
I think that I am most likely to hear this; and therefore I will praise
the unjust life to the utmost of my power, and my manner of speaking
will indicate the manner in which I desire to hear you too praising
justice and censuring injustice. Will you say whether you approve of my
proposal?

Indeed I do; nor can I imagine any theme about which a man of sense
would oftener wish to converse.

I am delighted, he replied, to hear you say so, and shall begin by
speaking, as I proposed, of the nature and origin of justice.

They say that to do injustice is, by nature, good; to suffer injustice,
evil; but that the evil is greater than the good. And so when men have
both done and suffered injustice and have had experience of both, not
being able to avoid the one and obtain the other, they think that they
had better agree among themselves to have neither; hence there arise
laws and mutual covenants; and that which is ordained by law is termed
by them lawful and just. This they affirm to be the origin and nature of
justice;--it is a mean or compromise, between the best of all, which is
to do injustice and not be punished, and the worst of all, which is to
suffer injustice without the power of retaliation; and justice, being at
a middle point between the two, is tolerated not as a good, but as
the lesser evil, and honoured by reason of the inability of men to do
injustice. For no man who is worthy to be called a man would ever submit
to such an agreement if he were able to resist; he would be mad if he
did. Such is the received account, Socrates, of the nature and origin of
justice.

Now that those who practise justice do so involuntarily and because they
have not the power to be unjust will best appear if we imagine something
of this kind: having given both to the just and the unjust power to do
what they will, let us watch and see whither desire will lead them;
then we shall discover in the very act the just and unjust man to be
proceeding along the same road, following their interest, which all
natures deem to be their good, and are only diverted into the path of
justice by the force of law. The liberty which we are supposing may be
most completely given to them in the form of such a power as is said
to have been possessed by Gyges, the ancestor of Croesus the Lydian.
According to the tradition, Gyges was a shepherd in the service of
the king of Lydia; there was a great storm, and an earthquake made an
opening in the earth at the place where he was feeding his flock. Amazed
at the sight, he descended into the opening, where, among other marvels,
he beheld a hollow brazen horse, having doors, at which he stooping and
looking in saw a dead body of stature, as appeared to him, more than
human, and having nothing on but a gold ring; this he took from the
finger of the dead and reascended. Now the shepherds met together,
according to custom, that they might send their monthly report about the
flocks to the king; into their assembly he came having the ring on his
finger, and as he was sitting among them he chanced to turn the collet
of the ring inside his hand, when instantly he became invisible to the
rest of the company and they began to speak of him as if he were no
longer present. He was astonished at this, and again touching the ring
he turned the collet outwards and reappeared; he made several trials
of the ring, and always with the same result--when he turned the collet
inwards he became invisible, when outwards he reappeared. Whereupon he
contrived to be chosen one of the messengers who were sent to the court;
whereas soon as he arrived he seduced the queen, and with her help
conspired against the king and slew him, and took the kingdom. Suppose
now that there were two such magic rings, and the just put on one of
them and the unjust the other; no man can be imagined to be of such an
iron nature that he would stand fast in justice. No man would keep his
hands off what was not his own when he could safely take what he
liked out of the market, or go into houses and lie with any one at
his pleasure, or kill or release from prison whom he would, and in all
respects be like a God among men. Then the actions of the just would be
as the actions of the unjust; they would both come at last to the same
point. And this we may truly affirm to be a great proof that a man is
just, not willingly or because he thinks that justice is any good to him
individually, but of necessity, for wherever any one thinks that he
can safely be unjust, there he is unjust. For all men believe in their
hearts that injustice is far more profitable to the individual than
justice, and he who argues as I have been supposing, will say that they
are right. If you could imagine any one obtaining this power of becoming
invisible, and never doing any wrong or touching what was another's, he
would be thought by the lookers-on to be a most wretched idiot, although
they would praise him to one another's faces, and keep up appearances
with one another from a fear that they too might suffer injustice.
Enough of this.

Now, if we are to form a real judgment of the life of the just and
unjust, we must isolate them; there is no other way; and how is the
isolation to be effected? I answer: Let the unjust man be entirely
unjust, and the just man entirely just; nothing is to be taken away from
either of them, and both are to be perfectly furnished for the work
of their respective lives. First, let the unjust be like other
distinguished masters of craft; like the skilful pilot or physician, who
knows intuitively his own powers and keeps within their limits, and who,
if he fails at any point, is able to recover himself. So let the unjust
make his unjust attempts in the right way, and lie hidden if he means
to be great in his injustice: (he who is found out is nobody:) for
the highest reach of injustice is, to be deemed just when you are not.
Therefore I say that in the perfectly unjust man we must assume the most
perfect injustice; there is to be no deduction, but we must allow
him, while doing the most unjust acts, to have acquired the greatest
reputation for justice. If he have taken a false step he must be able to
recover himself; he must be one who can speak with effect, if any of his
deeds come to light, and who can force his way where force is required
by his courage and strength, and command of money and friends. And at
his side let us place the just man in his nobleness and simplicity,
wishing, as Aeschylus says, to be and not to seem good. There must be no
seeming, for if he seem to be just he will be honoured and rewarded, and
then we shall not know whether he is just for the sake of justice or
for the sake of honours and rewards; therefore, let him be clothed in
justice only, and have no other covering; and he must be imagined in a
state of life the opposite of the former. Let him be the best of men,
and let him be thought the worst; then he will have been put to the
proof; and we shall see whether he will be affected by the fear of
infamy and its consequences. And let him continue thus to the hour of
death; being just and seeming to be unjust. When both have reached the
uttermost extreme, the one of justice and the other of injustice, let
judgment be given which of them is the happier of the two.

Heavens! my dear Glaucon, I said, how energetically you polish them
up for the decision, first one and then the other, as if they were two
statues.

I do my best, he said. And now that we know what they are like there
is no difficulty in tracing out the sort of life which awaits either
of them. This I will proceed to describe; but as you may think the
description a little too coarse, I ask you to suppose, Socrates, that
the words which follow are not mine.--Let me put them into the mouths of
the eulogists of injustice: They will tell you that the just man who is
thought unjust will be scourged, racked, bound--will have his eyes
burnt out; and, at last, after suffering every kind of evil, he will be
impaled: Then he will understand that he ought to seem only, and not to
be, just; the words of Aeschylus may be more truly spoken of the unjust
than of the just. For the unjust is pursuing a reality; he does not live
with a view to appearances--he wants to be really unjust and not to seem
only:--

'His mind has a soil deep and fertile, Out of which spring his prudent
counsels.'

In the first place, he is thought just, and therefore bears rule in the
city; he can marry whom he will, and give in marriage to whom he
will; also he can trade and deal where he likes, and always to his own
advantage, because he has no misgivings about injustice; and at every
contest, whether in public or private, he gets the better of his
antagonists, and gains at their expense, and is rich, and out of his
gains he can benefit his friends, and harm his enemies; moreover, he
can offer sacrifices, and dedicate gifts to the gods abundantly and
magnificently, and can honour the gods or any man whom he wants to
honour in a far better style than the just, and therefore he is likely
to be dearer than they are to the gods. And thus, Socrates, gods and men
are said to unite in making the life of the unjust better than the life
of the just.

I was going to say something in answer to Glaucon, when Adeimantus, his
brother, interposed: Socrates, he said, you do not suppose that there is
nothing more to be urged?

Why, what else is there? I answered.

The strongest point of all has not been even mentioned, he replied.

Well, then, according to the proverb, 'Let brother help brother'--if
he fails in any part do you assist him; although I must confess that
Glaucon has already said quite enough to lay me in the dust, and take
from me the power of helping justice.

Nonsense, he replied. But let me add something more: There is another
side to Glaucon's argument about the praise and censure of justice
and injustice, which is equally required in order to bring out what I
believe to be his meaning. Parents and tutors are always telling their
sons and their wards that they are to be just; but why? not for the sake
of justice, but for the sake of character and reputation; in the hope of
obtaining for him who is reputed just some of those offices, marriages,
and the like which Glaucon has enumerated among the advantages accruing
to the unjust from the reputation of justice. More, however, is made of
appearances by this class of persons than by the others; for they
throw in the good opinion of the gods, and will tell you of a shower of
benefits which the heavens, as they say, rain upon the pious; and this
accords with the testimony of the noble Hesiod and Homer, the first of
whom says, that the gods make the oaks of the just--

   'To bear acorns at their summit, and bees in the middle;
   And the sheep are bowed down with the weight of their fleeces,'

and many other blessings of a like kind are provided for them. And Homer
has a very similar strain; for he speaks of one whose fame is--

'As the fame of some blameless king who, like a god, Maintains justice;
to whom the black earth brings forth Wheat and barley, whose trees are
bowed with fruit, And his sheep never fail to bear, and the sea gives
him fish.'

Still grander are the gifts of heaven which Musaeus and his son
vouchsafe to the just; they take them down into the world below, where
they have the saints lying on couches at a feast, everlastingly drunk,
crowned with garlands; their idea seems to be that an immortality of
drunkenness is the highest meed of virtue. Some extend their rewards
yet further; the posterity, as they say, of the faithful and just shall
survive to the third and fourth generation. This is the style in which
they praise justice. But about the wicked there is another strain; they
bury them in a slough in Hades, and make them carry water in a sieve;
also while they are yet living they bring them to infamy, and inflict
upon them the punishments which Glaucon described as the portion of the
just who are reputed to be unjust; nothing else does their invention
supply. Such is their manner of praising the one and censuring the
other.

Once more, Socrates, I will ask you to consider another way of speaking
about justice and injustice, which is not confined to the poets, but
is found in prose writers. The universal voice of mankind is always
declaring that justice and virtue are honourable, but grievous and
toilsome; and that the pleasures of vice and injustice are easy of
attainment, and are only censured by law and opinion. They say also that
honesty is for the most part less profitable than dishonesty; and they
are quite ready to call wicked men happy, and to honour them both in
public and private when they are rich or in any other way influential,
while they despise and overlook those who may be weak and poor, even
though acknowledging them to be better than the others. But most
extraordinary of all is their mode of speaking about virtue and the
gods: they say that the gods apportion calamity and misery to many good
men, and good and happiness to the wicked. And mendicant prophets go to
rich men's doors and persuade them that they have a power committed
to them by the gods of making an atonement for a man's own or his
ancestor's sins by sacrifices or charms, with rejoicings and feasts; and
they promise to harm an enemy, whether just or unjust, at a small cost;
with magic arts and incantations binding heaven, as they say, to execute
their will. And the poets are the authorities to whom they appeal, now
smoothing the path of vice with the words of Hesiod;--

'Vice may be had in abundance without trouble; the way is smooth and her
dwelling-place is near. But before virtue the gods have set toil,'

and a tedious and uphill road: then citing Homer as a witness that the
gods may be influenced by men; for he also says:--

'The gods, too, may be turned from their purpose; and men pray to them
and avert their wrath by sacrifices and soothing entreaties, and by
libations and the odour of fat, when they have sinned and transgressed.'

And they produce a host of books written by Musaeus and Orpheus,
who were children of the Moon and the Muses--that is what they
say--according to which they perform their ritual, and persuade not only
individuals, but whole cities, that expiations and atonements for sin
may be made by sacrifices and amusements which fill a vacant hour, and
are equally at the service of the living and the dead; the latter sort
they call mysteries, and they redeem us from the pains of hell, but if
we neglect them no one knows what awaits us.

He proceeded: And now when the young hear all this said about virtue and
vice, and the way in which gods and men regard them, how are their minds
likely to be affected, my dear Socrates,--those of them, I mean, who are
quickwitted, and, like bees on the wing, light on every flower, and from
all that they hear are prone to draw conclusions as to what manner of
persons they should be and in what way they should walk if they would
make the best of life? Probably the youth will say to himself in the
words of Pindar--

'Can I by justice or by crooked ways of deceit ascend a loftier tower
which may be a fortress to me all my days?'

For what men say is that, if I am really just and am not also thought
just profit there is none, but the pain and loss on the other hand
are unmistakeable. But if, though unjust, I acquire the reputation of
justice, a heavenly life is promised to me. Since then, as philosophers
prove, appearance tyrannizes over truth and is lord of happiness, to
appearance I must devote myself. I will describe around me a picture and
shadow of virtue to be the vestibule and exterior of my house; behind I
will trail the subtle and crafty fox, as Archilochus, greatest of sages,
recommends. But I hear some one exclaiming that the concealment of
wickedness is often difficult; to which I answer, Nothing great is easy.
Nevertheless, the argument indicates this, if we would be happy, to be
the path along which we should proceed. With a view to concealment we
will establish secret brotherhoods and political clubs. And there
are professors of rhetoric who teach the art of persuading courts and
assemblies; and so, partly by persuasion and partly by force, I shall
make unlawful gains and not be punished. Still I hear a voice saying
that the gods cannot be deceived, neither can they be compelled. But
what if there are no gods? or, suppose them to have no care of human
things--why in either case should we mind about concealment? And even if
there are gods, and they do care about us, yet we know of them only
from tradition and the genealogies of the poets; and these are the very
persons who say that they may be influenced and turned by 'sacrifices
and soothing entreaties and by offerings.' Let us be consistent then,
and believe both or neither. If the poets speak truly, why then we had
better be unjust, and offer of the fruits of injustice; for if we are
just, although we may escape the vengeance of heaven, we shall lose the
gains of injustice; but, if we are unjust, we shall keep the gains, and
by our sinning and praying, and praying and sinning, the gods will be
propitiated, and we shall not be punished. 'But there is a world below
in which either we or our posterity will suffer for our unjust deeds.'
Yes, my friend, will be the reflection, but there are mysteries and
atoning deities, and these have great power. That is what mighty
cities declare; and the children of the gods, who were their poets and
prophets, bear a like testimony.

On what principle, then, shall we any longer choose justice rather than
the worst injustice? when, if we only unite the latter with a deceitful
regard to appearances, we shall fare to our mind both with gods and
men, in life and after death, as the most numerous and the highest
authorities tell us. Knowing all this, Socrates, how can a man who
has any superiority of mind or person or rank or wealth, be willing to
honour justice; or indeed to refrain from laughing when he hears justice
praised? And even if there should be some one who is able to disprove
the truth of my words, and who is satisfied that justice is best, still
he is not angry with the unjust, but is very ready to forgive them,
because he also knows that men are not just of their own free will;
unless, peradventure, there be some one whom the divinity within him may
have inspired with a hatred of injustice, or who has attained knowledge
of the truth--but no other man. He only blames injustice who, owing to
cowardice or age or some weakness, has not the power of being unjust.
And this is proved by the fact that when he obtains the power, he
immediately becomes unjust as far as he can be.

The cause of all this, Socrates, was indicated by us at the beginning of
the argument, when my brother and I told you how astonished we were to
find that of all the professing panegyrists of justice--beginning with
the ancient heroes of whom any memorial has been preserved to us, and
ending with the men of our own time--no one has ever blamed injustice or
praised justice except with a view to the glories, honours, and benefits
which flow from them. No one has ever adequately described either in
verse or prose the true essential nature of either of them abiding in
the soul, and invisible to any human or divine eye; or shown that of
all the things of a man's soul which he has within him, justice is
the greatest good, and injustice the greatest evil. Had this been the
universal strain, had you sought to persuade us of this from our youth
upwards, we should not have been on the watch to keep one another from
doing wrong, but every one would have been his own watchman, because
afraid, if he did wrong, of harbouring in himself the greatest of
evils. I dare say that Thrasymachus and others would seriously hold the
language which I have been merely repeating, and words even stronger
than these about justice and injustice, grossly, as I conceive,
perverting their true nature. But I speak in this vehement manner, as
I must frankly confess to you, because I want to hear from you the
opposite side; and I would ask you to show not only the superiority
which justice has over injustice, but what effect they have on the
possessor of them which makes the one to be a good and the other an evil
to him. And please, as Glaucon requested of you, to exclude reputations;
for unless you take away from each of them his true reputation and
add on the false, we shall say that you do not praise justice, but the
appearance of it; we shall think that you are only exhorting us to keep
injustice dark, and that you really agree with Thrasymachus in thinking
that justice is another's good and the interest of the stronger, and
that injustice is a man's own profit and interest, though injurious to
the weaker. Now as you have admitted that justice is one of that highest
class of goods which are desired indeed for their results, but in a far
greater degree for their own sakes--like sight or hearing or knowledge
or health, or any other real and natural and not merely conventional
good--I would ask you in your praise of justice to regard one point
only: I mean the essential good and evil which justice and injustice
work in the possessors of them. Let others praise justice and censure
injustice, magnifying the rewards and honours of the one and abusing the
other; that is a manner of arguing which, coming from them, I am
ready to tolerate, but from you who have spent your whole life in the
consideration of this question, unless I hear the contrary from your own
lips, I expect something better. And therefore, I say, not only prove to
us that justice is better than injustice, but show what they either of
them do to the possessor of them, which makes the one to be a good and
the other an evil, whether seen or unseen by gods and men.

I had always admired the genius of Glaucon and Adeimantus, but on
hearing these words I was quite delighted, and said: Sons of an
illustrious father, that was not a bad beginning of the Elegiac verses
which the admirer of Glaucon made in honour of you after you had
distinguished yourselves at the battle of Megara:--

'Sons of Ariston,' he sang, 'divine offspring of an illustrious hero.'

The epithet is very appropriate, for there is something truly divine in
being able to argue as you have done for the superiority of injustice,
and remaining unconvinced by your own arguments. And I do believe that
you are not convinced--this I infer from your general character, for had
I judged only from your speeches I should have mistrusted you. But
now, the greater my confidence in you, the greater is my difficulty in
knowing what to say. For I am in a strait between two; on the one hand I
feel that I am unequal to the task; and my inability is brought home to
me by the fact that you were not satisfied with the answer which I made
to Thrasymachus, proving, as I thought, the superiority which justice
has over injustice. And yet I cannot refuse to help, while breath and
speech remain to me; I am afraid that there would be an impiety in being
present when justice is evil spoken of and not lifting up a hand in her
defence. And therefore I had best give such help as I can.

Glaucon and the rest entreated me by all means not to let the question
drop, but to proceed in the investigation. They wanted to arrive at the
truth, first, about the nature of justice and injustice, and secondly,
about their relative advantages. I told them, what I really thought,
that the enquiry would be of a serious nature, and would require very
good eyes. Seeing then, I said, that we are no great wits, I think that
we had better adopt a method which I may illustrate thus; suppose that
a short-sighted person had been asked by some one to read small letters
from a distance; and it occurred to some one else that they might be
found in another place which was larger and in which the letters were
larger--if they were the same and he could read the larger letters
first, and then proceed to the lesser--this would have been thought a
rare piece of good fortune.

Very true, said Adeimantus; but how does the illustration apply to our
enquiry?

I will tell you, I replied; justice, which is the subject of our
enquiry, is, as you know, sometimes spoken of as the virtue of an
individual, and sometimes as the virtue of a State.

True, he replied.

And is not a State larger than an individual?

It is.

Then in the larger the quantity of justice is likely to be larger and
more easily discernible. I propose therefore that we enquire into the
nature of justice and injustice, first as they appear in the State, and
secondly in the individual, proceeding from the greater to the lesser
and comparing them.

That, he said, is an excellent proposal.

And if we imagine the State in process of creation, we shall see the
justice and injustice of the State in process of creation also.

I dare say.

When the State is completed there may be a hope that the object of our
search will be more easily discovered.

Yes, far more easily.

But ought we to attempt to construct one? I said; for to do so, as I am
inclined to think, will be a very serious task. Reflect therefore.

I have reflected, said Adeimantus, and am anxious that you should
proceed.

A State, I said, arises, as I conceive, out of the needs of mankind;
no one is self-sufficing, but all of us have many wants. Can any other
origin of a State be imagined?

There can be no other.

Then, as we have many wants, and many persons are needed to supply them,
one takes a helper for one purpose and another for another; and when
these partners and helpers are gathered together in one habitation the
body of inhabitants is termed a State.

True, he said.

And they exchange with one another, and one gives, and another receives,
under the idea that the exchange will be for their good.

Very true.

Then, I said, let us begin and create in idea a State; and yet the true
creator is necessity, who is the mother of our invention.

Of course, he replied.

Now the first and greatest of necessities is food, which is the
condition of life and existence.

Certainly.

The second is a dwelling, and the third clothing and the like.

True.

And now let us see how our city will be able to supply this great
demand: We may suppose that one man is a husbandman, another a builder,
some one else a weaver--shall we add to them a shoemaker, or perhaps
some other purveyor to our bodily wants?

Quite right.

The barest notion of a State must include four or five men.

Clearly.

And how will they proceed? Will each bring the result of his labours
into a common stock?--the individual husbandman, for example, producing
for four, and labouring four times as long and as much as he need in the
provision of food with which he supplies others as well as himself;
or will he have nothing to do with others and not be at the trouble of
producing for them, but provide for himself alone a fourth of the food
in a fourth of the time, and in the remaining three fourths of his time
be employed in making a house or a coat or a pair of shoes, having no
partnership with others, but supplying himself all his own wants?

Adeimantus thought that he should aim at producing food only and not at
producing everything.

Probably, I replied, that would be the better way; and when I hear you
say this, I am myself reminded that we are not all alike; there
are diversities of natures among us which are adapted to different
occupations.

Very true.

And will you have a work better done when the workman has many
occupations, or when he has only one?

When he has only one.

Further, there can be no doubt that a work is spoilt when not done at
the right time?

No doubt.

For business is not disposed to wait until the doer of the business is
at leisure; but the doer must follow up what he is doing, and make the
business his first object.

He must.

And if so, we must infer that all things are produced more plentifully
and easily and of a better quality when one man does one thing which is
natural to him and does it at the right time, and leaves other things.

Undoubtedly.

Then more than four citizens will be required; for the husbandman will
not make his own plough or mattock, or other implements of agriculture,
if they are to be good for anything. Neither will the builder make
his tools--and he too needs many; and in like manner the weaver and
shoemaker.

True.

Then carpenters, and smiths, and many other artisans, will be sharers in
our little State, which is already beginning to grow?

True.

Yet even if we add neatherds, shepherds, and other herdsmen, in order
that our husbandmen may have oxen to plough with, and builders as well
as husbandmen may have draught cattle, and curriers and weavers fleeces
and hides,--still our State will not be very large.

That is true; yet neither will it be a very small State which contains
all these.

Then, again, there is the situation of the city--to find a place where
nothing need be imported is wellnigh impossible.

Impossible.

Then there must be another class of citizens who will bring the required
supply from another city?

There must.

But if the trader goes empty-handed, having nothing which they require
who would supply his need, he will come back empty-handed.

That is certain.

And therefore what they produce at home must be not only enough for
themselves, but such both in quantity and quality as to accommodate
those from whom their wants are supplied.

Very true.

Then more husbandmen and more artisans will be required?

They will.

Not to mention the importers and exporters, who are called merchants?

Yes.

Then we shall want merchants?

We shall.

And if merchandise is to be carried over the sea, skilful sailors will
also be needed, and in considerable numbers?

Yes, in considerable numbers.

Then, again, within the city, how will they exchange their productions?
To secure such an exchange was, as you will remember, one of our
principal objects when we formed them into a society and constituted a
State.

Clearly they will buy and sell.

Then they will need a market-place, and a money-token for purposes of
exchange.

Certainly.

Suppose now that a husbandman, or an artisan, brings some production
to market, and he comes at a time when there is no one to exchange with
him,--is he to leave his calling and sit idle in the market-place?

Not at all; he will find people there who, seeing the want, undertake
the office of salesmen. In well-ordered states they are commonly those
who are the weakest in bodily strength, and therefore of little use for
any other purpose; their duty is to be in the market, and to give money
in exchange for goods to those who desire to sell and to take money from
those who desire to buy.

This want, then, creates a class of retail-traders in our State. Is
not 'retailer' the term which is applied to those who sit in the
market-place engaged in buying and selling, while those who wander from
one city to another are called merchants?

Yes, he said.

And there is another class of servants, who are intellectually hardly
on the level of companionship; still they have plenty of bodily strength
for labour, which accordingly they sell, and are called, if I do not
mistake, hirelings, hire being the name which is given to the price of
their labour.

True.

Then hirelings will help to make up our population?

Yes.

And now, Adeimantus, is our State matured and perfected?

I think so.

Where, then, is justice, and where is injustice, and in what part of the
State did they spring up?

Probably in the dealings of these citizens with one another. I cannot
imagine that they are more likely to be found any where else.

I dare say that you are right in your suggestion, I said; we had better
think the matter out, and not shrink from the enquiry.

Let us then consider, first of all, what will be their way of life,
now that we have thus established them. Will they not produce corn, and
wine, and clothes, and shoes, and build houses for themselves? And
when they are housed, they will work, in summer, commonly, stripped and
barefoot, but in winter substantially clothed and shod. They will feed
on barley-meal and flour of wheat, baking and kneading them, making
noble cakes and loaves; these they will serve up on a mat of reeds or on
clean leaves, themselves reclining the while upon beds strewn with yew
or myrtle. And they and their children will feast, drinking of the wine
which they have made, wearing garlands on their heads, and hymning the
praises of the gods, in happy converse with one another. And they will
take care that their families do not exceed their means; having an eye
to poverty or war.

But, said Glaucon, interposing, you have not given them a relish to
their meal.

True, I replied, I had forgotten; of course they must have a
relish--salt, and olives, and cheese, and they will boil roots and herbs
such as country people prepare; for a dessert we shall give them figs,
and peas, and beans; and they will roast myrtle-berries and acorns
at the fire, drinking in moderation. And with such a diet they may be
expected to live in peace and health to a good old age, and bequeath a
similar life to their children after them.

Yes, Socrates, he said, and if you were providing for a city of pigs,
how else would you feed the beasts?

But what would you have, Glaucon? I replied.

Why, he said, you should give them the ordinary conveniences of life.
People who are to be comfortable are accustomed to lie on sofas, and
dine off tables, and they should have sauces and sweets in the modern
style.

Yes, I said, now I understand: the question which you would have me
consider is, not only how a State, but how a luxurious State is created;
and possibly there is no harm in this, for in such a State we shall be
more likely to see how justice and injustice originate. In my opinion
the true and healthy constitution of the State is the one which I have
described. But if you wish also to see a State at fever-heat, I have
no objection. For I suspect that many will not be satisfied with the
simpler way of life. They will be for adding sofas, and tables,
and other furniture; also dainties, and perfumes, and incense, and
courtesans, and cakes, all these not of one sort only, but in every
variety; we must go beyond the necessaries of which I was at first
speaking, such as houses, and clothes, and shoes: the arts of the
painter and the embroiderer will have to be set in motion, and gold and
ivory and all sorts of materials must be procured.

True, he said.

Then we must enlarge our borders; for the original healthy State is
no longer sufficient. Now will the city have to fill and swell with a
multitude of callings which are not required by any natural want; such
as the whole tribe of hunters and actors, of whom one large class
have to do with forms and colours; another will be the votaries of
music--poets and their attendant train of rhapsodists, players, dancers,
contractors; also makers of divers kinds of articles, including women's
dresses. And we shall want more servants. Will not tutors be also in
request, and nurses wet and dry, tirewomen and barbers, as well as
confectioners and cooks; and swineherds, too, who were not needed and
therefore had no place in the former edition of our State, but are
needed now? They must not be forgotten: and there will be animals of
many other kinds, if people eat them.

Certainly.

And living in this way we shall have much greater need of physicians
than before?

Much greater.

And the country which was enough to support the original inhabitants
will be too small now, and not enough?

Quite true.

Then a slice of our neighbours' land will be wanted by us for pasture
and tillage, and they will want a slice of ours, if, like ourselves,
they exceed the limit of necessity, and give themselves up to the
unlimited accumulation of wealth?

That, Socrates, will be inevitable.

And so we shall go to war, Glaucon. Shall we not?

Most certainly, he replied.

Then without determining as yet whether war does good or harm, thus much
we may affirm, that now we have discovered war to be derived from causes
which are also the causes of almost all the evils in States, private as
well as public.

Undoubtedly.

And our State must once more enlarge; and this time the enlargement will
be nothing short of a whole army, which will have to go out and fight
with the invaders for all that we have, as well as for the things and
persons whom we were describing above.

Why? he said; are they not capable of defending themselves?

No, I said; not if we were right in the principle which was acknowledged
by all of us when we were framing the State: the principle, as you will
remember, was that one man cannot practise many arts with success.

Very true, he said.

But is not war an art?

Certainly.

And an art requiring as much attention as shoemaking?

Quite true.

And the shoemaker was not allowed by us to be a husbandman, or a weaver,
or a builder--in order that we might have our shoes well made; but to
him and to every other worker was assigned one work for which he was by
nature fitted, and at that he was to continue working all his life long
and at no other; he was not to let opportunities slip, and then he would
become a good workman. Now nothing can be more important than that
the work of a soldier should be well done. But is war an art so easily
acquired that a man may be a warrior who is also a husbandman, or
shoemaker, or other artisan; although no one in the world would be a
good dice or draught player who merely took up the game as a recreation,
and had not from his earliest years devoted himself to this and nothing
else? No tools will make a man a skilled workman, or master of defence,
nor be of any use to him who has not learned how to handle them, and has
never bestowed any attention upon them. How then will he who takes up
a shield or other implement of war become a good fighter all in a day,
whether with heavy-armed or any other kind of troops?

Yes, he said, the tools which would teach men their own use would be
beyond price.

And the higher the duties of the guardian, I said, the more time, and
skill, and art, and application will be needed by him?

No doubt, he replied.

Will he not also require natural aptitude for his calling?

Certainly.

Then it will be our duty to select, if we can, natures which are fitted
for the task of guarding the city?

It will.

And the selection will be no easy matter, I said; but we must be brave
and do our best.

We must.

Is not the noble youth very like a well-bred dog in respect of guarding
and watching?

What do you mean?

I mean that both of them ought to be quick to see, and swift to overtake
the enemy when they see him; and strong too if, when they have caught
him, they have to fight with him.

All these qualities, he replied, will certainly be required by them.

Well, and your guardian must be brave if he is to fight well?

Certainly.

And is he likely to be brave who has no spirit, whether horse or dog
or any other animal? Have you never observed how invincible and
unconquerable is spirit and how the presence of it makes the soul of any
creature to be absolutely fearless and indomitable?

I have.

Then now we have a clear notion of the bodily qualities which are
required in the guardian.

True.

And also of the mental ones; his soul is to be full of spirit?

Yes.

But are not these spirited natures apt to be savage with one another,
and with everybody else?

A difficulty by no means easy to overcome, he replied.

Whereas, I said, they ought to be dangerous to their enemies, and gentle
to their friends; if not, they will destroy themselves without waiting
for their enemies to destroy them.

True, he said.

What is to be done then? I said; how shall we find a gentle nature which
has also a great spirit, for the one is the contradiction of the other?

True.

He will not be a good guardian who is wanting in either of these two
qualities; and yet the combination of them appears to be impossible; and
hence we must infer that to be a good guardian is impossible.

I am afraid that what you say is true, he replied.

Here feeling perplexed I began to think over what had preceded.--My
friend, I said, no wonder that we are in a perplexity; for we have lost
sight of the image which we had before us.

What do you mean? he said.

I mean to say that there do exist natures gifted with those opposite
qualities.

And where do you find them?

Many animals, I replied, furnish examples of them; our friend the dog
is a very good one: you know that well-bred dogs are perfectly gentle to
their familiars and acquaintances, and the reverse to strangers.

Yes, I know.

Then there is nothing impossible or out of the order of nature in our
finding a guardian who has a similar combination of qualities?

Certainly not.

Would not he who is fitted to be a guardian, besides the spirited
nature, need to have the qualities of a philosopher?

I do not apprehend your meaning.

The trait of which I am speaking, I replied, may be also seen in the
dog, and is remarkable in the animal.

What trait?

Why, a dog, whenever he sees a stranger, is angry; when an acquaintance,
he welcomes him, although the one has never done him any harm, nor the
other any good. Did this never strike you as curious?

The matter never struck me before; but I quite recognise the truth of
your remark.

And surely this instinct of the dog is very charming;--your dog is a
true philosopher.

Why?

Why, because he distinguishes the face of a friend and of an enemy only
by the criterion of knowing and not knowing. And must not an animal be a
lover of learning who determines what he likes and dislikes by the test
of knowledge and ignorance?

Most assuredly.

And is not the love of learning the love of wisdom, which is philosophy?

They are the same, he replied.

And may we not say confidently of man also, that he who is likely to be
gentle to his friends and acquaintances, must by nature be a lover of
wisdom and knowledge?

That we may safely affirm.

Then he who is to be a really good and noble guardian of the State will
require to unite in himself philosophy and spirit and swiftness and
strength?

Undoubtedly.

Then we have found the desired natures; and now that we have found them,
how are they to be reared and educated? Is not this an enquiry which
may be expected to throw light on the greater enquiry which is our final
end--How do justice and injustice grow up in States? for we do not want
either to omit what is to the point or to draw out the argument to an
inconvenient length.

Adeimantus thought that the enquiry would be of great service to us.

Then, I said, my dear friend, the task must not be given up, even if
somewhat long.

Certainly not.

Come then, and let us pass a leisure hour in story-telling, and our
story shall be the education of our heroes.

By all means.

And what shall be their education? Can we find a better than the
traditional sort?--and this has two divisions, gymnastic for the body,
and music for the soul.

True.

Shall we begin education with music, and go on to gymnastic afterwards?

By all means.

And when you speak of music, do you include literature or not?

I do.

And literature may be either true or false?

Yes.

And the young should be trained in both kinds, and we begin with the
false?

I do not understand your meaning, he said.

You know, I said, that we begin by telling children stories which,
though not wholly destitute of truth, are in the main fictitious;
and these stories are told them when they are not of an age to learn
gymnastics.

Very true.

That was my meaning when I said that we must teach music before
gymnastics.

Quite right, he said.

You know also that the beginning is the most important part of any work,
especially in the case of a young and tender thing; for that is the time
at which the character is being formed and the desired impression is
more readily taken.

Quite true.

And shall we just carelessly allow children to hear any casual tales
which may be devised by casual persons, and to receive into their minds
ideas for the most part the very opposite of those which we should wish
them to have when they are grown up?

We cannot.

Then the first thing will be to establish a censorship of the writers of
fiction, and let the censors receive any tale of fiction which is good,
and reject the bad; and we will desire mothers and nurses to tell their
children the authorised ones only. Let them fashion the mind with such
tales, even more fondly than they mould the body with their hands; but
most of those which are now in use must be discarded.

Of what tales are you speaking? he said.

You may find a model of the lesser in the greater, I said; for they are
necessarily of the same type, and there is the same spirit in both of
them.

Very likely, he replied; but I do not as yet know what you would term
the greater.

Those, I said, which are narrated by Homer and Hesiod, and the rest of
the poets, who have ever been the great story-tellers of mankind.

But which stories do you mean, he said; and what fault do you find with
them?

A fault which is most serious, I said; the fault of telling a lie, and,
what is more, a bad lie.

But when is this fault committed?

Whenever an erroneous representation is made of the nature of gods and
heroes,--as when a painter paints a portrait not having the shadow of a
likeness to the original.

Yes, he said, that sort of thing is certainly very blameable; but what
are the stories which you mean?

First of all, I said, there was that greatest of all lies in high
places, which the poet told about Uranus, and which was a bad lie
too,--I mean what Hesiod says that Uranus did, and how Cronus retaliated
on him. The doings of Cronus, and the sufferings which in turn his son
inflicted upon him, even if they were true, ought certainly not to be
lightly told to young and thoughtless persons; if possible, they had
better be buried in silence. But if there is an absolute necessity
for their mention, a chosen few might hear them in a mystery, and
they should sacrifice not a common (Eleusinian) pig, but some huge and
unprocurable victim; and then the number of the hearers will be very few
indeed.

Why, yes, said he, those stories are extremely objectionable.

Yes, Adeimantus, they are stories not to be repeated in our State; the
young man should not be told that in committing the worst of crimes he
is far from doing anything outrageous; and that even if he chastises his
father when he does wrong, in whatever manner, he will only be following
the example of the first and greatest among the gods.

I entirely agree with you, he said; in my opinion those stories are
quite unfit to be repeated.

Neither, if we mean our future guardians to regard the habit of
quarrelling among themselves as of all things the basest, should
any word be said to them of the wars in heaven, and of the plots and
fightings of the gods against one another, for they are not true. No,
we shall never mention the battles of the giants, or let them be
embroidered on garments; and we shall be silent about the innumerable
other quarrels of gods and heroes with their friends and relatives.
If they would only believe us we would tell them that quarrelling
is unholy, and that never up to this time has there been any quarrel
between citizens; this is what old men and old women should begin by
telling children; and when they grow up, the poets also should be told
to compose for them in a similar spirit. But the narrative of Hephaestus
binding Here his mother, or how on another occasion Zeus sent him flying
for taking her part when she was being beaten, and all the battles of
the gods in Homer--these tales must not be admitted into our State,
whether they are supposed to have an allegorical meaning or not. For
a young person cannot judge what is allegorical and what is literal;
anything that he receives into his mind at that age is likely to become
indelible and unalterable; and therefore it is most important that the
tales which the young first hear should be models of virtuous thoughts.

There you are right, he replied; but if any one asks where are such
models to be found and of what tales are you speaking--how shall we
answer him?

I said to him, You and I, Adeimantus, at this moment are not poets,
but founders of a State: now the founders of a State ought to know the
general forms in which poets should cast their tales, and the limits
which must be observed by them, but to make the tales is not their
business.

Very true, he said; but what are these forms of theology which you mean?

Something of this kind, I replied:--God is always to be represented as
he truly is, whatever be the sort of poetry, epic, lyric or tragic, in
which the representation is given.

Right.

And is he not truly good? and must he not be represented as such?

Certainly.

And no good thing is hurtful?

No, indeed.

And that which is not hurtful hurts not?

Certainly not.

And that which hurts not does no evil?

No.

And can that which does no evil be a cause of evil?

Impossible.

And the good is advantageous?

Yes.

And therefore the cause of well-being?

Yes.

It follows therefore that the good is not the cause of all things, but
of the good only?

Assuredly.

Then God, if he be good, is not the author of all things, as the many
assert, but he is the cause of a few things only, and not of most things
that occur to men. For few are the goods of human life, and many are the
evils, and the good is to be attributed to God alone; of the evils the
causes are to be sought elsewhere, and not in him.

That appears to me to be most true, he said.

Then we must not listen to Homer or to any other poet who is guilty of
the folly of saying that two casks

'Lie at the threshold of Zeus, full of lots, one of good, the other of
evil lots,'

and that he to whom Zeus gives a mixture of the two

'Sometimes meets with evil fortune, at other times with good;'

but that he to whom is given the cup of unmingled ill,

'Him wild hunger drives o'er the beauteous earth.'

And again--

'Zeus, who is the dispenser of good and evil to us.'

And if any one asserts that the violation of oaths and treaties, which
was really the work of Pandarus, was brought about by Athene and Zeus,
or that the strife and contention of the gods was instigated by Themis
and Zeus, he shall not have our approval; neither will we allow our
young men to hear the words of Aeschylus, that

'God plants guilt among men when he desires utterly to destroy a house.'

And if a poet writes of the sufferings of Niobe--the subject of the
tragedy in which these iambic verses occur--or of the house of Pelops,
or of the Trojan war or on any similar theme, either we must not permit
him to say that these are the works of God, or if they are of God, he
must devise some explanation of them such as we are seeking; he must say
that God did what was just and right, and they were the better for being
punished; but that those who are punished are miserable, and that God
is the author of their misery--the poet is not to be permitted to say;
though he may say that the wicked are miserable because they require
to be punished, and are benefited by receiving punishment from God;
but that God being good is the author of evil to any one is to be
strenuously denied, and not to be said or sung or heard in verse or
prose by any one whether old or young in any well-ordered commonwealth.
Such a fiction is suicidal, ruinous, impious.

I agree with you, he replied, and am ready to give my assent to the law.

Let this then be one of our rules and principles concerning the gods, to
which our poets and reciters will be expected to conform,--that God is
not the author of all things, but of good only.

That will do, he said.

And what do you think of a second principle? Shall I ask you whether God
is a magician, and of a nature to appear insidiously now in one shape,
and now in another--sometimes himself changing and passing into
many forms, sometimes deceiving us with the semblance of such
transformations; or is he one and the same immutably fixed in his own
proper image?

I cannot answer you, he said, without more thought.

Well, I said; but if we suppose a change in anything, that change must
be effected either by the thing itself, or by some other thing?

Most certainly.

And things which are at their best are also least liable to be altered
or discomposed; for example, when healthiest and strongest, the human
frame is least liable to be affected by meats and drinks, and the plant
which is in the fullest vigour also suffers least from winds or the heat
of the sun or any similar causes.

Of course.

And will not the bravest and wisest soul be least confused or deranged
by any external influence?

True.

And the same principle, as I should suppose, applies to all composite
things--furniture, houses, garments: when good and well made, they are
least altered by time and circumstances.

Very true.

Then everything which is good, whether made by art or nature, or both,
is least liable to suffer change from without?

True.

But surely God and the things of God are in every way perfect?

Of course they are.

Then he can hardly be compelled by external influence to take many
shapes?

He cannot.

But may he not change and transform himself?

Clearly, he said, that must be the case if he is changed at all.

And will he then change himself for the better and fairer, or for the
worse and more unsightly?

If he change at all he can only change for the worse, for we cannot
suppose him to be deficient either in virtue or beauty.

Very true, Adeimantus; but then, would any one, whether God or man,
desire to make himself worse?

Impossible.

Then it is impossible that God should ever be willing to change; being,
as is supposed, the fairest and best that is conceivable, every God
remains absolutely and for ever in his own form.

That necessarily follows, he said, in my judgment.

Then, I said, my dear friend, let none of the poets tell us that

'The gods, taking the disguise of strangers from other lands, walk up
and down cities in all sorts of forms;'

and let no one slander Proteus and Thetis, neither let any one, either
in tragedy or in any other kind of poetry, introduce Here disguised in
the likeness of a priestess asking an alms

'For the life-giving daughters of Inachus the river of Argos;'

--let us have no more lies of that sort. Neither must we have mothers
under the influence of the poets scaring their children with a bad
version of these myths--telling how certain gods, as they say, 'Go about
by night in the likeness of so many strangers and in divers forms;' but
let them take heed lest they make cowards of their children, and at the
same time speak blasphemy against the gods.

Heaven forbid, he said.

But although the gods are themselves unchangeable, still by witchcraft
and deception they may make us think that they appear in various forms?

Perhaps, he replied.

Well, but can you imagine that God will be willing to lie, whether in
word or deed, or to put forth a phantom of himself?

I cannot say, he replied.

Do you not know, I said, that the true lie, if such an expression may be
allowed, is hated of gods and men?

What do you mean? he said.

I mean that no one is willingly deceived in that which is the truest and
highest part of himself, or about the truest and highest matters; there,
above all, he is most afraid of a lie having possession of him.

Still, he said, I do not comprehend you.

The reason is, I replied, that you attribute some profound meaning to
my words; but I am only saying that deception, or being deceived
or uninformed about the highest realities in the highest part of
themselves, which is the soul, and in that part of them to have and to
hold the lie, is what mankind least like;--that, I say, is what they
utterly detest.

There is nothing more hateful to them.

And, as I was just now remarking, this ignorance in the soul of him who
is deceived may be called the true lie; for the lie in words is only a
kind of imitation and shadowy image of a previous affection of the soul,
not pure unadulterated falsehood. Am I not right?

Perfectly right.

The true lie is hated not only by the gods, but also by men?

Yes.

Whereas the lie in words is in certain cases useful and not hateful; in
dealing with enemies--that would be an instance; or again, when those
whom we call our friends in a fit of madness or illusion are going to
do some harm, then it is useful and is a sort of medicine or
preventive; also in the tales of mythology, of which we were just now
speaking--because we do not know the truth about ancient times, we make
falsehood as much like truth as we can, and so turn it to account.

Very true, he said.

But can any of these reasons apply to God? Can we suppose that he is
ignorant of antiquity, and therefore has recourse to invention?

That would be ridiculous, he said.

Then the lying poet has no place in our idea of God?

I should say not.

Or perhaps he may tell a lie because he is afraid of enemies?

That is inconceivable.

But he may have friends who are senseless or mad?

But no mad or senseless person can be a friend of God.

Then no motive can be imagined why God should lie?

None whatever.

Then the superhuman and divine is absolutely incapable of falsehood?

Yes.

Then is God perfectly simple and true both in word and deed; he changes
not; he deceives not, either by sign or word, by dream or waking vision.

Your thoughts, he said, are the reflection of my own.

You agree with me then, I said, that this is the second type or form in
which we should write and speak about divine things. The gods are not
magicians who transform themselves, neither do they deceive mankind in
any way.

I grant that.

Then, although we are admirers of Homer, we do not admire the lying
dream which Zeus sends to Agamemnon; neither will we praise the verses
of Aeschylus in which Thetis says that Apollo at her nuptials

'Was celebrating in song her fair progeny whose days were to be long,
and to know no sickness. And when he had spoken of my lot as in all
things blessed of heaven he raised a note of triumph and cheered my
soul. And I thought that the word of Phoebus, being divine and full of
prophecy, would not fail. And now he himself who uttered the strain,
he who was present at the banquet, and who said this--he it is who has
slain my son.'

These are the kind of sentiments about the gods which will arouse our
anger; and he who utters them shall be refused a chorus; neither shall
we allow teachers to make use of them in the instruction of the young,
meaning, as we do, that our guardians, as far as men can be, should be
true worshippers of the gods and like them.

I entirely agree, he said, in these principles, and promise to make them
my laws.




BOOK III.

Such then, I said, are our principles of theology--some tales are to be
told, and others are not to be told to our disciples from their youth
upwards, if we mean them to honour the gods and their parents, and to
value friendship with one another.

Yes; and I think that our principles are right, he said.

But if they are to be courageous, must they not learn other lessons
besides these, and lessons of such a kind as will take away the fear of
death? Can any man be courageous who has the fear of death in him?

Certainly not, he said.

And can he be fearless of death, or will he choose death in battle
rather than defeat and slavery, who believes the world below to be real
and terrible?

Impossible.

Then we must assume a control over the narrators of this class of tales
as well as over the others, and beg them not simply to revile but rather
to commend the world below, intimating to them that their descriptions
are untrue, and will do harm to our future warriors.

That will be our duty, he said.

Then, I said, we shall have to obliterate many obnoxious passages,
beginning with the verses,

'I would rather be a serf on the land of a poor and portionless man than
rule over all the dead who have come to nought.'

We must also expunge the verse, which tells us how Pluto feared,

'Lest the mansions grim and squalid which the gods abhor should be seen
both of mortals and immortals.'

And again:--

'O heavens! verily in the house of Hades there is soul and ghostly form
but no mind at all!'

Again of Tiresias:--

'(To him even after death did Persephone grant mind,) that he alone
should be wise; but the other souls are flitting shades.'

Again:--

'The soul flying from the limbs had gone to Hades, lamenting her fate,
leaving manhood and youth.'

Again:--

'And the soul, with shrilling cry, passed like smoke beneath the earth.'

And,--

'As bats in hollow of mystic cavern, whenever any of them has dropped
out of the string and falls from the rock, fly shrilling and cling
to one another, so did they with shrilling cry hold together as they
moved.'

And we must beg Homer and the other poets not to be angry if we strike
out these and similar passages, not because they are unpoetical, or
unattractive to the popular ear, but because the greater the poetical
charm of them, the less are they meet for the ears of boys and men who
are meant to be free, and who should fear slavery more than death.

Undoubtedly.

Also we shall have to reject all the terrible and appalling names which
describe the world below--Cocytus and Styx, ghosts under the earth, and
sapless shades, and any similar words of which the very mention causes a
shudder to pass through the inmost soul of him who hears them. I do not
say that these horrible stories may not have a use of some kind; but
there is a danger that the nerves of our guardians may be rendered too
excitable and effeminate by them.

There is a real danger, he said.

Then we must have no more of them.

True.

Another and a nobler strain must be composed and sung by us.

Clearly.

And shall we proceed to get rid of the weepings and wailings of famous
men?

They will go with the rest.

But shall we be right in getting rid of them? Reflect: our principle is
that the good man will not consider death terrible to any other good man
who is his comrade.

Yes; that is our principle.

And therefore he will not sorrow for his departed friend as though he
had suffered anything terrible?

He will not.

Such an one, as we further maintain, is sufficient for himself and his
own happiness, and therefore is least in need of other men.

True, he said.

And for this reason the loss of a son or brother, or the deprivation of
fortune, is to him of all men least terrible.

Assuredly.

And therefore he will be least likely to lament, and will bear with the
greatest equanimity any misfortune of this sort which may befall him.

Yes, he will feel such a misfortune far less than another.

Then we shall be right in getting rid of the lamentations of famous men,
and making them over to women (and not even to women who are good for
anything), or to men of a baser sort, that those who are being educated
by us to be the defenders of their country may scorn to do the like.

That will be very right.

Then we will once more entreat Homer and the other poets not to depict
Achilles, who is the son of a goddess, first lying on his side, then on
his back, and then on his face; then starting up and sailing in a frenzy
along the shores of the barren sea; now taking the sooty ashes in both
his hands and pouring them over his head, or weeping and wailing in the
various modes which Homer has delineated. Nor should he describe Priam
the kinsman of the gods as praying and beseeching,

'Rolling in the dirt, calling each man loudly by his name.'

Still more earnestly will we beg of him at all events not to introduce
the gods lamenting and saying,

'Alas! my misery! Alas! that I bore the bravest to my sorrow.'

But if he must introduce the gods, at any rate let him not dare so
completely to misrepresent the greatest of the gods, as to make him
say--

'O heavens! with my eyes verily I behold a dear friend of mine chased
round and round the city, and my heart is sorrowful.'

Or again:--

Woe is me that I am fated to have Sarpedon, dearest of men to me,
subdued at the hands of Patroclus the son of Menoetius.'

For if, my sweet Adeimantus, our youth seriously listen to such unworthy
representations of the gods, instead of laughing at them as they ought,
hardly will any of them deem that he himself, being but a man, can be
dishonoured by similar actions; neither will he rebuke any inclination
which may arise in his mind to say and do the like. And instead
of having any shame or self-control, he will be always whining and
lamenting on slight occasions.

Yes, he said, that is most true.

Yes, I replied; but that surely is what ought not to be, as the argument
has just proved to us; and by that proof we must abide until it is
disproved by a better.

It ought not to be.

Neither ought our guardians to be given to laughter. For a fit of
laughter which has been indulged to excess almost always produces a
violent reaction.

So I believe.

Then persons of worth, even if only mortal men, must not be represented
as overcome by laughter, and still less must such a representation of
the gods be allowed.

Still less of the gods, as you say, he replied.

Then we shall not suffer such an expression to be used about the gods as
that of Homer when he describes how

'Inextinguishable laughter arose among the blessed gods, when they saw
Hephaestus bustling about the mansion.'

On your views, we must not admit them.

On my views, if you like to father them on me; that we must not admit
them is certain.

Again, truth should be highly valued; if, as we were saying, a lie is
useless to the gods, and useful only as a medicine to men, then the
use of such medicines should be restricted to physicians; private
individuals have no business with them.

Clearly not, he said.

Then if any one at all is to have the privilege of lying, the rulers of
the State should be the persons; and they, in their dealings either with
enemies or with their own citizens, may be allowed to lie for the public
good. But nobody else should meddle with anything of the kind; and
although the rulers have this privilege, for a private man to lie to
them in return is to be deemed a more heinous fault than for the patient
or the pupil of a gymnasium not to speak the truth about his own bodily
illnesses to the physician or to the trainer, or for a sailor not to
tell the captain what is happening about the ship and the rest of the
crew, and how things are going with himself or his fellow sailors.

Most true, he said.

If, then, the ruler catches anybody beside himself lying in the State,

'Any of the craftsmen, whether he be priest or physician or carpenter,'

he will punish him for introducing a practice which is equally
subversive and destructive of ship or State.

Most certainly, he said, if our idea of the State is ever carried out.

In the next place our youth must be temperate?

Certainly.

Are not the chief elements of temperance, speaking generally, obedience
to commanders and self-control in sensual pleasures?

True.

Then we shall approve such language as that of Diomede in Homer,

'Friend, sit still and obey my word,'

and the verses which follow,

'The Greeks marched breathing prowess, ...in silent awe of their
leaders,'

and other sentiments of the same kind.

We shall.

What of this line,

'O heavy with wine, who hast the eyes of a dog and the heart of a stag,'

and of the words which follow? Would you say that these, or any similar
impertinences which private individuals are supposed to address to their
rulers, whether in verse or prose, are well or ill spoken?

They are ill spoken.

They may very possibly afford some amusement, but they do not conduce
to temperance. And therefore they are likely to do harm to our young
men--you would agree with me there?

Yes.

And then, again, to make the wisest of men say that nothing in his
opinion is more glorious than

'When the tables are full of bread and meat, and the cup-bearer carries
round wine which he draws from the bowl and pours into the cups,'

is it fit or conducive to temperance for a young man to hear such words?
Or the verse

'The saddest of fates is to die and meet destiny from hunger?'

What would you say again to the tale of Zeus, who, while other gods and
men were asleep and he the only person awake, lay devising plans, but
forgot them all in a moment through his lust, and was so completely
overcome at the sight of Here that he would not even go into the hut,
but wanted to lie with her on the ground, declaring that he had never
been in such a state of rapture before, even when they first met one
another

'Without the knowledge of their parents;'

or that other tale of how Hephaestus, because of similar goings on, cast
a chain around Ares and Aphrodite?

Indeed, he said, I am strongly of opinion that they ought not to hear
that sort of thing.

But any deeds of endurance which are done or told by famous men, these
they ought to see and hear; as, for example, what is said in the verses,

'He smote his breast, and thus reproached his heart, Endure, my heart;
far worse hast thou endured!'

Certainly, he said.

In the next place, we must not let them be receivers of gifts or lovers
of money.

Certainly not.

Neither must we sing to them of

'Gifts persuading gods, and persuading reverend kings.'

Neither is Phoenix, the tutor of Achilles, to be approved or deemed to
have given his pupil good counsel when he told him that he should take
the gifts of the Greeks and assist them; but that without a gift he
should not lay aside his anger. Neither will we believe or acknowledge
Achilles himself to have been such a lover of money that he took
Agamemnon's gifts, or that when he had received payment he restored the
dead body of Hector, but that without payment he was unwilling to do so.

Undoubtedly, he said, these are not sentiments which can be approved.

Loving Homer as I do, I hardly like to say that in attributing these
feelings to Achilles, or in believing that they are truly attributed
to him, he is guilty of downright impiety. As little can I believe the
narrative of his insolence to Apollo, where he says,

'Thou hast wronged me, O far-darter, most abominable of deities. Verily
I would be even with thee, if I had only the power;'

or his insubordination to the river-god, on whose divinity he is ready
to lay hands; or his offering to the dead Patroclus of his own hair,
which had been previously dedicated to the other river-god Spercheius,
and that he actually performed this vow; or that he dragged Hector round
the tomb of Patroclus, and slaughtered the captives at the pyre; of all
this I cannot believe that he was guilty, any more than I can allow
our citizens to believe that he, the wise Cheiron's pupil, the son of a
goddess and of Peleus who was the gentlest of men and third in descent
from Zeus, was so disordered in his wits as to be at one time the slave
of two seemingly inconsistent passions, meanness, not untainted by
avarice, combined with overweening contempt of gods and men.

You are quite right, he replied.

And let us equally refuse to believe, or allow to be repeated, the tale
of Theseus son of Poseidon, or of Peirithous son of Zeus, going forth as
they did to perpetrate a horrid rape; or of any other hero or son of
a god daring to do such impious and dreadful things as they falsely
ascribe to them in our day: and let us further compel the poets to
declare either that these acts were not done by them, or that they
were not the sons of gods;--both in the same breath they shall not be
permitted to affirm. We will not have them trying to persuade our youth
that the gods are the authors of evil, and that heroes are no better
than men--sentiments which, as we were saying, are neither pious nor
true, for we have already proved that evil cannot come from the gods.

Assuredly not.

And further they are likely to have a bad effect on those who hear them;
for everybody will begin to excuse his own vices when he is convinced
that similar wickednesses are always being perpetrated by--

'The kindred of the gods, the relatives of Zeus, whose ancestral altar,
the altar of Zeus, is aloft in air on the peak of Ida,'

and who have

'the blood of deities yet flowing in their veins.'

And therefore let us put an end to such tales, lest they engender laxity
of morals among the young.

By all means, he replied.

But now that we are determining what classes of subjects are or are not
to be spoken of, let us see whether any have been omitted by us. The
manner in which gods and demigods and heroes and the world below should
be treated has been already laid down.

Very true.

And what shall we say about men? That is clearly the remaining portion
of our subject.

Clearly so.

But we are not in a condition to answer this question at present, my
friend.

Why not?

Because, if I am not mistaken, we shall have to say that about men poets
and story-tellers are guilty of making the gravest misstatements when
they tell us that wicked men are often happy, and the good miserable;
and that injustice is profitable when undetected, but that justice is a
man's own loss and another's gain--these things we shall forbid them to
utter, and command them to sing and say the opposite.

To be sure we shall, he replied.

But if you admit that I am right in this, then I shall maintain that you
have implied the principle for which we have been all along contending.

I grant the truth of your inference.

That such things are or are not to be said about men is a question which
we cannot determine until we have discovered what justice is, and how
naturally advantageous to the possessor, whether he seem to be just or
not.

Most true, he said.

Enough of the subjects of poetry: let us now speak of the style; and
when this has been considered, both matter and manner will have been
completely treated.

I do not understand what you mean, said Adeimantus.

Then I must make you understand; and perhaps I may be more intelligible
if I put the matter in this way. You are aware, I suppose, that all
mythology and poetry is a narration of events, either past, present, or
to come?

Certainly, he replied.

And narration may be either simple narration, or imitation, or a union
of the two?

That again, he said, I do not quite understand.

I fear that I must be a ridiculous teacher when I have so much
difficulty in making myself apprehended. Like a bad speaker, therefore,
I will not take the whole of the subject, but will break a piece off in
illustration of my meaning. You know the first lines of the Iliad,
in which the poet says that Chryses prayed Agamemnon to release his
daughter, and that Agamemnon flew into a passion with him; whereupon
Chryses, failing of his object, invoked the anger of the God against the
Achaeans. Now as far as these lines,

'And he prayed all the Greeks, but especially the two sons of Atreus,
the chiefs of the people,'

the poet is speaking in his own person; he never leads us to suppose
that he is any one else. But in what follows he takes the person of
Chryses, and then he does all that he can to make us believe that the
speaker is not Homer, but the aged priest himself. And in this double
form he has cast the entire narrative of the events which occurred at
Troy and in Ithaca and throughout the Odyssey.

Yes.

And a narrative it remains both in the speeches which the poet recites
from time to time and in the intermediate passages?

Quite true.

But when the poet speaks in the person of another, may we not say that
he assimilates his style to that of the person who, as he informs you,
is going to speak?

Certainly.

And this assimilation of himself to another, either by the use of voice
or gesture, is the imitation of the person whose character he assumes?

Of course.

Then in this case the narrative of the poet may be said to proceed by
way of imitation?

Very true.

Or, if the poet everywhere appears and never conceals himself, then
again the imitation is dropped, and his poetry becomes simple narration.
However, in order that I may make my meaning quite clear, and that you
may no more say, 'I don't understand,' I will show how the change might
be effected. If Homer had said, 'The priest came, having his daughter's
ransom in his hands, supplicating the Achaeans, and above all the
kings;' and then if, instead of speaking in the person of Chryses,
he had continued in his own person, the words would have been, not
imitation, but simple narration. The passage would have run as follows
(I am no poet, and therefore I drop the metre), 'The priest came and
prayed the gods on behalf of the Greeks that they might capture Troy
and return safely home, but begged that they would give him back his
daughter, and take the ransom which he brought, and respect the God.
Thus he spoke, and the other Greeks revered the priest and assented. But
Agamemnon was wroth, and bade him depart and not come again, lest the
staff and chaplets of the God should be of no avail to him--the daughter
of Chryses should not be released, he said--she should grow old with him
in Argos. And then he told him to go away and not to provoke him, if he
intended to get home unscathed. And the old man went away in fear and
silence, and, when he had left the camp, he called upon Apollo by his
many names, reminding him of everything which he had done pleasing to
him, whether in building his temples, or in offering sacrifice, and
praying that his good deeds might be returned to him, and that the
Achaeans might expiate his tears by the arrows of the god,'--and so on.
In this way the whole becomes simple narrative.

I understand, he said.

Or you may suppose the opposite case--that the intermediate passages are
omitted, and the dialogue only left.

That also, he said, I understand; you mean, for example, as in tragedy.

You have conceived my meaning perfectly; and if I mistake not, what you
failed to apprehend before is now made clear to you, that poetry and
mythology are, in some cases, wholly imitative--instances of this are
supplied by tragedy and comedy; there is likewise the opposite style,
in which the poet is the only speaker--of this the dithyramb affords
the best example; and the combination of both is found in epic, and in
several other styles of poetry. Do I take you with me?

Yes, he said; I see now what you meant.

I will ask you to remember also what I began by saying, that we had done
with the subject and might proceed to the style.

Yes, I remember.

In saying this, I intended to imply that we must come to an
understanding about the mimetic art,--whether the poets, in narrating
their stories, are to be allowed by us to imitate, and if so, whether
in whole or in part, and if the latter, in what parts; or should all
imitation be prohibited?

You mean, I suspect, to ask whether tragedy and comedy shall be admitted
into our State?

Yes, I said; but there may be more than this in question: I really do
not know as yet, but whither the argument may blow, thither we go.

And go we will, he said.

Then, Adeimantus, let me ask you whether our guardians ought to be
imitators; or rather, has not this question been decided by the rule
already laid down that one man can only do one thing well, and not many;
and that if he attempt many, he will altogether fail of gaining much
reputation in any?

Certainly.

And this is equally true of imitation; no one man can imitate many
things as well as he would imitate a single one?

He cannot.

Then the same person will hardly be able to play a serious part in life,
and at the same time to be an imitator and imitate many other parts as
well; for even when two species of imitation are nearly allied, the same
persons cannot succeed in both, as, for example, the writers of tragedy
and comedy--did you not just now call them imitations?

Yes, I did; and you are right in thinking that the same persons cannot
succeed in both.

Any more than they can be rhapsodists and actors at once?

True.

Neither are comic and tragic actors the same; yet all these things are
but imitations.

They are so.

And human nature, Adeimantus, appears to have been coined into yet
smaller pieces, and to be as incapable of imitating many things well, as
of performing well the actions of which the imitations are copies.

Quite true, he replied.

If then we adhere to our original notion and bear in mind that
our guardians, setting aside every other business, are to dedicate
themselves wholly to the maintenance of freedom in the State, making
this their craft, and engaging in no work which does not bear on this
end, they ought not to practise or imitate anything else; if they
imitate at all, they should imitate from youth upward only those
characters which are suitable to their profession--the courageous,
temperate, holy, free, and the like; but they should not depict or be
skilful at imitating any kind of illiberality or baseness, lest from
imitation they should come to be what they imitate. Did you never
observe how imitations, beginning in early youth and continuing far into
life, at length grow into habits and become a second nature, affecting
body, voice, and mind?

Yes, certainly, he said.

Then, I said, we will not allow those for whom we profess a care and of
whom we say that they ought to be good men, to imitate a woman, whether
young or old, quarrelling with her husband, or striving and vaunting
against the gods in conceit of her happiness, or when she is in
affliction, or sorrow, or weeping; and certainly not one who is in
sickness, love, or labour.

Very right, he said.

Neither must they represent slaves, male or female, performing the
offices of slaves?

They must not.

And surely not bad men, whether cowards or any others, who do the
reverse of what we have just been prescribing, who scold or mock or
revile one another in drink or out of drink, or who in any other manner
sin against themselves and their neighbours in word or deed, as the
manner of such is. Neither should they be trained to imitate the action
or speech of men or women who are mad or bad; for madness, like vice, is
to be known but not to be practised or imitated.

Very true, he replied.

Neither may they imitate smiths or other artificers, or oarsmen, or
boatswains, or the like?

How can they, he said, when they are not allowed to apply their minds to
the callings of any of these?

Nor may they imitate the neighing of horses, the bellowing of bulls, the
murmur of rivers and roll of the ocean, thunder, and all that sort of
thing?

Nay, he said, if madness be forbidden, neither may they copy the
behaviour of madmen.

You mean, I said, if I understand you aright, that there is one sort of
narrative style which may be employed by a truly good man when he has
anything to say, and that another sort will be used by a man of an
opposite character and education.

And which are these two sorts? he asked.

Suppose, I answered, that a just and good man in the course of a
narration comes on some saying or action of another good man,--I should
imagine that he will like to personate him, and will not be ashamed of
this sort of imitation: he will be most ready to play the part of the
good man when he is acting firmly and wisely; in a less degree when
he is overtaken by illness or love or drink, or has met with any other
disaster. But when he comes to a character which is unworthy of him, he
will not make a study of that; he will disdain such a person, and will
assume his likeness, if at all, for a moment only when he is performing
some good action; at other times he will be ashamed to play a part which
he has never practised, nor will he like to fashion and frame himself
after the baser models; he feels the employment of such an art, unless
in jest, to be beneath him, and his mind revolts at it.

So I should expect, he replied.

Then he will adopt a mode of narration such as we have illustrated
out of Homer, that is to say, his style will be both imitative and
narrative; but there will be very little of the former, and a great deal
of the latter. Do you agree?

Certainly, he said; that is the model which such a speaker must
necessarily take.

But there is another sort of character who will narrate anything, and,
the worse he is, the more unscrupulous he will be; nothing will be too
bad for him: and he will be ready to imitate anything, not as a joke,
but in right good earnest, and before a large company. As I was just now
saying, he will attempt to represent the roll of thunder, the noise of
wind and hail, or the creaking of wheels, and pulleys, and the various
sounds of flutes, pipes, trumpets, and all sorts of instruments: he will
bark like a dog, bleat like a sheep, or crow like a cock; his entire art
will consist in imitation of voice and gesture, and there will be very
little narration.

That, he said, will be his mode of speaking.

These, then, are the two kinds of style?

Yes.

And you would agree with me in saying that one of them is simple and has
but slight changes; and if the harmony and rhythm are also chosen
for their simplicity, the result is that the speaker, if he speaks
correctly, is always pretty much the same in style, and he will keep
within the limits of a single harmony (for the changes are not great),
and in like manner he will make use of nearly the same rhythm?

That is quite true, he said.

Whereas the other requires all sorts of harmonies and all sorts of
rhythms, if the music and the style are to correspond, because the style
has all sorts of changes.

That is also perfectly true, he replied.

And do not the two styles, or the mixture of the two, comprehend all
poetry, and every form of expression in words? No one can say anything
except in one or other of them or in both together.

They include all, he said.

And shall we receive into our State all the three styles, or one only of
the two unmixed styles? or would you include the mixed?

I should prefer only to admit the pure imitator of virtue.

Yes, I said, Adeimantus, but the mixed style is also very charming: and
indeed the pantomimic, which is the opposite of the one chosen by you,
is the most popular style with children and their attendants, and with
the world in general.

I do not deny it.

But I suppose you would argue that such a style is unsuitable to our
State, in which human nature is not twofold or manifold, for one man
plays one part only?

Yes; quite unsuitable.

And this is the reason why in our State, and in our State only, we
shall find a shoemaker to be a shoemaker and not a pilot also, and a
husbandman to be a husbandman and not a dicast also, and a soldier a
soldier and not a trader also, and the same throughout?

True, he said.

And therefore when any one of these pantomimic gentlemen, who are so
clever that they can imitate anything, comes to us, and makes a proposal
to exhibit himself and his poetry, we will fall down and worship him as
a sweet and holy and wonderful being; but we must also inform him that
in our State such as he are not permitted to exist; the law will not
allow them. And so when we have anointed him with myrrh, and set a
garland of wool upon his head, we shall send him away to another city.
For we mean to employ for our souls' health the rougher and severer poet
or story-teller, who will imitate the style of the virtuous only, and
will follow those models which we prescribed at first when we began the
education of our soldiers.

We certainly will, he said, if we have the power.

Then now, my friend, I said, that part of music or literary education
which relates to the story or myth may be considered to be finished; for
the matter and manner have both been discussed.

I think so too, he said.

Next in order will follow melody and song.

That is obvious.

Every one can see already what we ought to say about them, if we are to
be consistent with ourselves.

I fear, said Glaucon, laughing, that the word 'every one' hardly
includes me, for I cannot at the moment say what they should be; though
I may guess.

At any rate you can tell that a song or ode has three parts--the words,
the melody, and the rhythm; that degree of knowledge I may presuppose?

Yes, he said; so much as that you may.

And as for the words, there will surely be no difference between words
which are and which are not set to music; both will conform to the same
laws, and these have been already determined by us?

Yes.

And the melody and rhythm will depend upon the words?

Certainly.

We were saying, when we spoke of the subject-matter, that we had no need
of lamentation and strains of sorrow?

True.

And which are the harmonies expressive of sorrow? You are musical, and
can tell me.

The harmonies which you mean are the mixed or tenor Lydian, and the
full-toned or bass Lydian, and such like.

These then, I said, must be banished; even to women who have a character
to maintain they are of no use, and much less to men.

Certainly.

In the next place, drunkenness and softness and indolence are utterly
unbecoming the character of our guardians.

Utterly unbecoming.

And which are the soft or drinking harmonies?

The Ionian, he replied, and the Lydian; they are termed 'relaxed.'

Well, and are these of any military use?

Quite the reverse, he replied; and if so the Dorian and the Phrygian are
the only ones which you have left.

I answered: Of the harmonies I know nothing, but I want to have one
warlike, to sound the note or accent which a brave man utters in the
hour of danger and stern resolve, or when his cause is failing, and he
is going to wounds or death or is overtaken by some other evil, and
at every such crisis meets the blows of fortune with firm step and a
determination to endure; and another to be used by him in times of peace
and freedom of action, when there is no pressure of necessity, and he is
seeking to persuade God by prayer, or man by instruction and admonition,
or on the other hand, when he is expressing his willingness to yield to
persuasion or entreaty or admonition, and which represents him when
by prudent conduct he has attained his end, not carried away by his
success, but acting moderately and wisely under the circumstances, and
acquiescing in the event. These two harmonies I ask you to leave;
the strain of necessity and the strain of freedom, the strain of the
unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage, and
the strain of temperance; these, I say, leave.

And these, he replied, are the Dorian and Phrygian harmonies of which I
was just now speaking.

Then, I said, if these and these only are to be used in our songs and
melodies, we shall not want multiplicity of notes or a panharmonic
scale?

I suppose not.

Then we shall not maintain the artificers of lyres with three
corners and complex scales, or the makers of any other many-stringed
curiously-harmonised instruments?

Certainly not.

But what do you say to flute-makers and flute-players? Would you admit
them into our State when you reflect that in this composite use of
harmony the flute is worse than all the stringed instruments put
together; even the panharmonic music is only an imitation of the flute?

Clearly not.

There remain then only the lyre and the harp for use in the city, and
the shepherds may have a pipe in the country.

That is surely the conclusion to be drawn from the argument.

The preferring of Apollo and his instruments to Marsyas and his
instruments is not at all strange, I said.

Not at all, he replied.

And so, by the dog of Egypt, we have been unconsciously purging the
State, which not long ago we termed luxurious.

And we have done wisely, he replied.

Then let us now finish the purgation, I said. Next in order to
harmonies, rhythms will naturally follow, and they should be subject to
the same rules, for we ought not to seek out complex systems of metre,
or metres of every kind, but rather to discover what rhythms are the
expressions of a courageous and harmonious life; and when we have found
them, we shall adapt the foot and the melody to words having a like
spirit, not the words to the foot and melody. To say what these rhythms
are will be your duty--you must teach me them, as you have already
taught me the harmonies.

But, indeed, he replied, I cannot tell you. I only know that there
are some three principles of rhythm out of which metrical systems are
framed, just as in sounds there are four notes (i.e. the four notes of
the tetrachord.) out of which all the harmonies are composed; that is
an observation which I have made. But of what sort of lives they are
severally the imitations I am unable to say.

Then, I said, we must take Damon into our counsels; and he will tell us
what rhythms are expressive of meanness, or insolence, or fury, or other
unworthiness, and what are to be reserved for the expression of opposite
feelings. And I think that I have an indistinct recollection of his
mentioning a complex Cretic rhythm; also a dactylic or heroic, and he
arranged them in some manner which I do not quite understand, making
the rhythms equal in the rise and fall of the foot, long and short
alternating; and, unless I am mistaken, he spoke of an iambic as well
as of a trochaic rhythm, and assigned to them short and long quantities.
Also in some cases he appeared to praise or censure the movement of the
foot quite as much as the rhythm; or perhaps a combination of the two;
for I am not certain what he meant. These matters, however, as I was
saying, had better be referred to Damon himself, for the analysis of
the subject would be difficult, you know? (Socrates expresses himself
carelessly in accordance with his assumed ignorance of the details of
the subject. In the first part of the sentence he appears to be speaking
of paeonic rhythms which are in the ratio of 3/2; in the second part, of
dactylic and anapaestic rhythms, which are in the ratio of 1/1; in the
last clause, of iambic and trochaic rhythms, which are in the ratio of
1/2 or 2/1.)

Rather so, I should say.

But there is no difficulty in seeing that grace or the absence of grace
is an effect of good or bad rhythm.

None at all.

And also that good and bad rhythm naturally assimilate to a good and bad
style; and that harmony and discord in like manner follow style; for our
principle is that rhythm and harmony are regulated by the words, and not
the words by them.

Just so, he said, they should follow the words.

And will not the words and the character of the style depend on the
temper of the soul?

Yes.

And everything else on the style?

Yes.

Then beauty of style and harmony and grace and good rhythm depend on
simplicity,--I mean the true simplicity of a rightly and nobly ordered
mind and character, not that other simplicity which is only an euphemism
for folly?

Very true, he replied.

And if our youth are to do their work in life, must they not make these
graces and harmonies their perpetual aim?

They must.

And surely the art of the painter and every other creative and
constructive art are full of them,--weaving, embroidery, architecture,
and every kind of manufacture; also nature, animal and vegetable,--in
all of them there is grace or the absence of grace. And ugliness and
discord and inharmonious motion are nearly allied to ill words and ill
nature, as grace and harmony are the twin sisters of goodness and virtue
and bear their likeness.

That is quite true, he said.

But shall our superintendence go no further, and are the poets only to
be required by us to express the image of the good in their works, on
pain, if they do anything else, of expulsion from our State? Or is the
same control to be extended to other artists, and are they also to be
prohibited from exhibiting the opposite forms of vice and intemperance
and meanness and indecency in sculpture and building and the other
creative arts; and is he who cannot conform to this rule of ours to be
prevented from practising his art in our State, lest the taste of our
citizens be corrupted by him? We would not have our guardians grow up
amid images of moral deformity, as in some noxious pasture, and there
browse and feed upon many a baneful herb and flower day by day, little
by little, until they silently gather a festering mass of corruption
in their own soul. Let our artists rather be those who are gifted to
discern the true nature of the beautiful and graceful; then will our
youth dwell in a land of health, amid fair sights and sounds, and
receive the good in everything; and beauty, the effluence of fair works,
shall flow into the eye and ear, like a health-giving breeze from a
purer region, and insensibly draw the soul from earliest years into
likeness and sympathy with the beauty of reason.

There can be no nobler training than that, he replied.

And therefore, I said, Glaucon, musical training is a more potent
instrument than any other, because rhythm and harmony find their way
into the inward places of the soul, on which they mightily fasten,
imparting grace, and making the soul of him who is rightly educated
graceful, or of him who is ill-educated ungraceful; and also because
he who has received this true education of the inner being will most
shrewdly perceive omissions or faults in art and nature, and with a true
taste, while he praises and rejoices over and receives into his soul the
good, and becomes noble and good, he will justly blame and hate the bad,
now in the days of his youth, even before he is able to know the reason
why; and when reason comes he will recognise and salute the friend with
whom his education has made him long familiar.

Yes, he said, I quite agree with you in thinking that our youth should
be trained in music and on the grounds which you mention.

Just as in learning to read, I said, we were satisfied when we knew
the letters of the alphabet, which are very few, in all their recurring
sizes and combinations; not slighting them as unimportant whether they
occupy a space large or small, but everywhere eager to make them out;
and not thinking ourselves perfect in the art of reading until we
recognise them wherever they are found:

True--

Or, as we recognise the reflection of letters in the water, or in a
mirror, only when we know the letters themselves; the same art and study
giving us the knowledge of both:

Exactly--

Even so, as I maintain, neither we nor our guardians, whom we have to
educate, can ever become musical until we and they know the essential
forms of temperance, courage, liberality, magnificence, and their
kindred, as well as the contrary forms, in all their combinations,
and can recognise them and their images wherever they are found, not
slighting them either in small things or great, but believing them all
to be within the sphere of one art and study.

Most assuredly.

And when a beautiful soul harmonizes with a beautiful form, and the two
are cast in one mould, that will be the fairest of sights to him who has
an eye to see it?

The fairest indeed.

And the fairest is also the loveliest?

That may be assumed.

And the man who has the spirit of harmony will be most in love with the
loveliest; but he will not love him who is of an inharmonious soul?

That is true, he replied, if the deficiency be in his soul; but if there
be any merely bodily defect in another he will be patient of it, and
will love all the same.

I perceive, I said, that you have or have had experiences of this sort,
and I agree. But let me ask you another question: Has excess of pleasure
any affinity to temperance?

How can that be? he replied; pleasure deprives a man of the use of his
faculties quite as much as pain.

Or any affinity to virtue in general?

None whatever.

Any affinity to wantonness and intemperance?

Yes, the greatest.

And is there any greater or keener pleasure than that of sensual love?

No, nor a madder.

Whereas true love is a love of beauty and order--temperate and
harmonious?

Quite true, he said.

Then no intemperance or madness should be allowed to approach true love?

Certainly not.

Then mad or intemperate pleasure must never be allowed to come near the
lover and his beloved; neither of them can have any part in it if their
love is of the right sort?

No, indeed, Socrates, it must never come near them.

Then I suppose that in the city which we are founding you would make a
law to the effect that a friend should use no other familiarity to
his love than a father would use to his son, and then only for a noble
purpose, and he must first have the other's consent; and this rule is
to limit him in all his intercourse, and he is never to be seen going
further, or, if he exceeds, he is to be deemed guilty of coarseness and
bad taste.

I quite agree, he said.

Thus much of music, which makes a fair ending; for what should be the
end of music if not the love of beauty?

I agree, he said.

After music comes gymnastic, in which our youth are next to be trained.

Certainly.

Gymnastic as well as music should begin in early years; the training
in it should be careful and should continue through life. Now my belief
is,--and this is a matter upon which I should like to have your opinion
in confirmation of my own, but my own belief is,--not that the good body
by any bodily excellence improves the soul, but, on the contrary, that
the good soul, by her own excellence, improves the body as far as this
may be possible. What do you say?

Yes, I agree.

Then, to the mind when adequately trained, we shall be right in handing
over the more particular care of the body; and in order to avoid
prolixity we will now only give the general outlines of the subject.

Very good.

That they must abstain from intoxication has been already remarked by
us; for of all persons a guardian should be the last to get drunk and
not know where in the world he is.

Yes, he said; that a guardian should require another guardian to take
care of him is ridiculous indeed.

But next, what shall we say of their food; for the men are in training
for the great contest of all--are they not?

Yes, he said.

And will the habit of body of our ordinary athletes be suited to them?

Why not?

I am afraid, I said, that a habit of body such as they have is but a
sleepy sort of thing, and rather perilous to health. Do you not observe
that these athletes sleep away their lives, and are liable to most
dangerous illnesses if they depart, in ever so slight a degree, from
their customary regimen?

Yes, I do.

Then, I said, a finer sort of training will be required for our warrior
athletes, who are to be like wakeful dogs, and to see and hear with the
utmost keenness; amid the many changes of water and also of food, of
summer heat and winter cold, which they will have to endure when on a
campaign, they must not be liable to break down in health.

That is my view.

The really excellent gymnastic is twin sister of that simple music which
we were just now describing.

How so?

Why, I conceive that there is a gymnastic which, like our music, is
simple and good; and especially the military gymnastic.

What do you mean?

My meaning may be learned from Homer; he, you know, feeds his heroes at
their feasts, when they are campaigning, on soldiers' fare; they have
no fish, although they are on the shores of the Hellespont, and they
are not allowed boiled meats but only roast, which is the food most
convenient for soldiers, requiring only that they should light a fire,
and not involving the trouble of carrying about pots and pans.

True.

And I can hardly be mistaken in saying that sweet sauces are nowhere
mentioned in Homer. In proscribing them, however, he is not singular;
all professional athletes are well aware that a man who is to be in good
condition should take nothing of the kind.

Yes, he said; and knowing this, they are quite right in not taking them.

Then you would not approve of Syracusan dinners, and the refinements of
Sicilian cookery?

I think not.

Nor, if a man is to be in condition, would you allow him to have a
Corinthian girl as his fair friend?

Certainly not.

Neither would you approve of the delicacies, as they are thought, of
Athenian confectionary?

Certainly not.

All such feeding and living may be rightly compared by us to melody and
song composed in the panharmonic style, and in all the rhythms.

Exactly.

There complexity engendered licence, and here disease; whereas
simplicity in music was the parent of temperance in the soul; and
simplicity in gymnastic of health in the body.

Most true, he said.

But when intemperance and diseases multiply in a State, halls of justice
and medicine are always being opened; and the arts of the doctor and the
lawyer give themselves airs, finding how keen is the interest which not
only the slaves but the freemen of a city take about them.

Of course.

And yet what greater proof can there be of a bad and disgraceful state
of education than this, that not only artisans and the meaner sort of
people need the skill of first-rate physicians and judges, but also
those who would profess to have had a liberal education? Is it not
disgraceful, and a great sign of want of good-breeding, that a man
should have to go abroad for his law and physic because he has none of
his own at home, and must therefore surrender himself into the hands of
other men whom he makes lords and judges over him?

Of all things, he said, the most disgraceful.

Would you say 'most,' I replied, when you consider that there is
a further stage of the evil in which a man is not only a life-long
litigant, passing all his days in the courts, either as plaintiff or
defendant, but is actually led by his bad taste to pride himself on his
litigiousness; he imagines that he is a master in dishonesty; able to
take every crooked turn, and wriggle into and out of every hole,
bending like a withy and getting out of the way of justice: and all
for what?--in order to gain small points not worth mentioning, he not
knowing that so to order his life as to be able to do without a napping
judge is a far higher and nobler sort of thing. Is not that still more
disgraceful?

Yes, he said, that is still more disgraceful.

Well, I said, and to require the help of medicine, not when a wound
has to be cured, or on occasion of an epidemic, but just because, by
indolence and a habit of life such as we have been describing, men
fill themselves with waters and winds, as if their bodies were a marsh,
compelling the ingenious sons of Asclepius to find more names for
diseases, such as flatulence and catarrh; is not this, too, a disgrace?

Yes, he said, they do certainly give very strange and newfangled names
to diseases.

Yes, I said, and I do not believe that there were any such diseases in
the days of Asclepius; and this I infer from the circumstance that the
hero Eurypylus, after he has been wounded in Homer, drinks a posset of
Pramnian wine well besprinkled with barley-meal and grated cheese, which
are certainly inflammatory, and yet the sons of Asclepius who were
at the Trojan war do not blame the damsel who gives him the drink, or
rebuke Patroclus, who is treating his case.

Well, he said, that was surely an extraordinary drink to be given to a
person in his condition.

Not so extraordinary, I replied, if you bear in mind that in former
days, as is commonly said, before the time of Herodicus, the guild of
Asclepius did not practise our present system of medicine, which may be
said to educate diseases. But Herodicus, being a trainer, and himself of
a sickly constitution, by a combination of training and doctoring found
out a way of torturing first and chiefly himself, and secondly the rest
of the world.

How was that? he said.

By the invention of lingering death; for he had a mortal disease which
he perpetually tended, and as recovery was out of the question, he
passed his entire life as a valetudinarian; he could do nothing but
attend upon himself, and he was in constant torment whenever he departed
in anything from his usual regimen, and so dying hard, by the help of
science he struggled on to old age.

A rare reward of his skill!

Yes, I said; a reward which a man might fairly expect who never
understood that, if Asclepius did not instruct his descendants
in valetudinarian arts, the omission arose, not from ignorance or
inexperience of such a branch of medicine, but because he knew that in
all well-ordered states every individual has an occupation to which he
must attend, and has therefore no leisure to spend in continually being
ill. This we remark in the case of the artisan, but, ludicrously enough,
do not apply the same rule to people of the richer sort.

How do you mean? he said.

I mean this: When a carpenter is ill he asks the physician for a rough
and ready cure; an emetic or a purge or a cautery or the knife,--these
are his remedies. And if some one prescribes for him a course of
dietetics, and tells him that he must swathe and swaddle his head, and
all that sort of thing, he replies at once that he has no time to be
ill, and that he sees no good in a life which is spent in nursing
his disease to the neglect of his customary employment; and therefore
bidding good-bye to this sort of physician, he resumes his ordinary
habits, and either gets well and lives and does his business, or, if his
constitution fails, he dies and has no more trouble.

Yes, he said, and a man in his condition of life ought to use the art of
medicine thus far only.

Has he not, I said, an occupation; and what profit would there be in his
life if he were deprived of his occupation?

Quite true, he said.

But with the rich man this is otherwise; of him we do not say that he
has any specially appointed work which he must perform, if he would
live.

He is generally supposed to have nothing to do.

Then you never heard of the saying of Phocylides, that as soon as a man
has a livelihood he should practise virtue?

Nay, he said, I think that he had better begin somewhat sooner.

Let us not have a dispute with him about this, I said; but rather ask
ourselves: Is the practice of virtue obligatory on the rich man, or
can he live without it? And if obligatory on him, then let us raise
a further question, whether this dieting of disorders, which is an
impediment to the application of the mind in carpentering and the
mechanical arts, does not equally stand in the way of the sentiment of
Phocylides?

Of that, he replied, there can be no doubt; such excessive care of the
body, when carried beyond the rules of gymnastic, is most inimical to
the practice of virtue.

Yes, indeed, I replied, and equally incompatible with the management of
a house, an army, or an office of state; and, what is most important
of all, irreconcileable with any kind of study or thought or
self-reflection--there is a constant suspicion that headache and
giddiness are to be ascribed to philosophy, and hence all practising or
making trial of virtue in the higher sense is absolutely stopped; for
a man is always fancying that he is being made ill, and is in constant
anxiety about the state of his body.

Yes, likely enough.

And therefore our politic Asclepius may be supposed to have exhibited
the power of his art only to persons who, being generally of healthy
constitution and habits of life, had a definite ailment; such as these
he cured by purges and operations, and bade them live as usual, herein
consulting the interests of the State; but bodies which disease had
penetrated through and through he would not have attempted to cure
by gradual processes of evacuation and infusion: he did not want to
lengthen out good-for-nothing lives, or to have weak fathers begetting
weaker sons;--if a man was not able to live in the ordinary way he
had no business to cure him; for such a cure would have been of no use
either to himself, or to the State.

Then, he said, you regard Asclepius as a statesman.

Clearly; and his character is further illustrated by his sons. Note that
they were heroes in the days of old and practised the medicines of which
I am speaking at the siege of Troy: You will remember how, when Pandarus
wounded Menelaus, they

'Sucked the blood out of the wound, and sprinkled soothing remedies,'

but they never prescribed what the patient was afterwards to eat or
drink in the case of Menelaus, any more than in the case of Eurypylus;
the remedies, as they conceived, were enough to heal any man who before
he was wounded was healthy and regular in his habits; and even though he
did happen to drink a posset of Pramnian wine, he might get well all the
same. But they would have nothing to do with unhealthy and intemperate
subjects, whose lives were of no use either to themselves or others; the
art of medicine was not designed for their good, and though they were as
rich as Midas, the sons of Asclepius would have declined to attend them.

They were very acute persons, those sons of Asclepius.

Naturally so, I replied. Nevertheless, the tragedians and Pindar
disobeying our behests, although they acknowledge that Asclepius was the
son of Apollo, say also that he was bribed into healing a rich man
who was at the point of death, and for this reason he was struck by
lightning. But we, in accordance with the principle already affirmed by
us, will not believe them when they tell us both;--if he was the son of
a god, we maintain that he was not avaricious; or, if he was avaricious,
he was not the son of a god.

All that, Socrates, is excellent; but I should like to put a question to
you: Ought there not to be good physicians in a State, and are not the
best those who have treated the greatest number of constitutions good
and bad? and are not the best judges in like manner those who are
acquainted with all sorts of moral natures?

Yes, I said, I too would have good judges and good physicians. But do
you know whom I think good?

Will you tell me?

I will, if I can. Let me however note that in the same question you join
two things which are not the same.

How so? he asked.

Why, I said, you join physicians and judges. Now the most skilful
physicians are those who, from their youth upwards, have combined with
the knowledge of their art the greatest experience of disease; they
had better not be robust in health, and should have had all manner of
diseases in their own persons. For the body, as I conceive, is not the
instrument with which they cure the body; in that case we could not
allow them ever to be or to have been sickly; but they cure the body
with the mind, and the mind which has become and is sick can cure
nothing.

That is very true, he said.

But with the judge it is otherwise; since he governs mind by mind; he
ought not therefore to have been trained among vicious minds, and to
have associated with them from youth upwards, and to have gone through
the whole calendar of crime, only in order that he may quickly infer
the crimes of others as he might their bodily diseases from his own
self-consciousness; the honourable mind which is to form a healthy
judgment should have had no experience or contamination of evil habits
when young. And this is the reason why in youth good men often appear to
be simple, and are easily practised upon by the dishonest, because they
have no examples of what evil is in their own souls.

Yes, he said, they are far too apt to be deceived.

Therefore, I said, the judge should not be young; he should have learned
to know evil, not from his own soul, but from late and long observation
of the nature of evil in others: knowledge should be his guide, not
personal experience.

Yes, he said, that is the ideal of a judge.

Yes, I replied, and he will be a good man (which is my answer to your
question); for he is good who has a good soul. But the cunning and
suspicious nature of which we spoke,--he who has committed many crimes,
and fancies himself to be a master in wickedness, when he is amongst
his fellows, is wonderful in the precautions which he takes, because he
judges of them by himself: but when he gets into the company of men of
virtue, who have the experience of age, he appears to be a fool again,
owing to his unseasonable suspicions; he cannot recognise an honest man,
because he has no pattern of honesty in himself; at the same time, as
the bad are more numerous than the good, and he meets with them oftener,
he thinks himself, and is by others thought to be, rather wise than
foolish.

Most true, he said.

Then the good and wise judge whom we are seeking is not this man, but
the other; for vice cannot know virtue too, but a virtuous nature,
educated by time, will acquire a knowledge both of virtue and vice: the
virtuous, and not the vicious, man has wisdom--in my opinion.

And in mine also.

This is the sort of medicine, and this is the sort of law, which you
will sanction in your state. They will minister to better natures,
giving health both of soul and of body; but those who are diseased in
their bodies they will leave to die, and the corrupt and incurable souls
they will put an end to themselves.

That is clearly the best thing both for the patients and for the State.

And thus our youth, having been educated only in that simple music
which, as we said, inspires temperance, will be reluctant to go to law.

Clearly.

And the musician, who, keeping to the same track, is content to practise
the simple gymnastic, will have nothing to do with medicine unless in
some extreme case.

That I quite believe.

The very exercises and tolls which he undergoes are intended to
stimulate the spirited element of his nature, and not to increase his
strength; he will not, like common athletes, use exercise and regimen to
develope his muscles.

Very right, he said.

Neither are the two arts of music and gymnastic really designed, as is
often supposed, the one for the training of the soul, the other for the
training of the body.

What then is the real object of them?

I believe, I said, that the teachers of both have in view chiefly the
improvement of the soul.

How can that be? he asked.

Did you never observe, I said, the effect on the mind itself of
exclusive devotion to gymnastic, or the opposite effect of an exclusive
devotion to music?

In what way shown? he said.

The one producing a temper of hardness and ferocity, the other of
softness and effeminacy, I replied.

Yes, he said, I am quite aware that the mere athlete becomes too much of
a savage, and that the mere musician is melted and softened beyond what
is good for him.

Yet surely, I said, this ferocity only comes from spirit, which, if
rightly educated, would give courage, but, if too much intensified, is
liable to become hard and brutal.

That I quite think.

On the other hand the philosopher will have the quality of gentleness.
And this also, when too much indulged, will turn to softness, but, if
educated rightly, will be gentle and moderate.

True.

And in our opinion the guardians ought to have both these qualities?

Assuredly.

And both should be in harmony?

Beyond question.

And the harmonious soul is both temperate and courageous?

Yes.

And the inharmonious is cowardly and boorish?

Very true.

And, when a man allows music to play upon him and to pour into his soul
through the funnel of his ears those sweet and soft and melancholy airs
of which we were just now speaking, and his whole life is passed in
warbling and the delights of song; in the first stage of the process
the passion or spirit which is in him is tempered like iron, and made
useful, instead of brittle and useless. But, if he carries on the
softening and soothing process, in the next stage he begins to melt and
waste, until he has wasted away his spirit and cut out the sinews of his
soul; and he becomes a feeble warrior.

Very true.

If the element of spirit is naturally weak in him the change is speedily
accomplished, but if he have a good deal, then the power of music
weakening the spirit renders him excitable;--on the least provocation
he flames up at once, and is speedily extinguished; instead of having
spirit he grows irritable and passionate and is quite impracticable.

Exactly.

And so in gymnastics, if a man takes violent exercise and is a great
feeder, and the reverse of a great student of music and philosophy, at
first the high condition of his body fills him with pride and spirit,
and he becomes twice the man that he was.

Certainly.

And what happens? if he do nothing else, and holds no converse with the
Muses, does not even that intelligence which there may be in him, having
no taste of any sort of learning or enquiry or thought or culture,
grow feeble and dull and blind, his mind never waking up or receiving
nourishment, and his senses not being purged of their mists?

True, he said.

And he ends by becoming a hater of philosophy, uncivilized, never using
the weapon of persuasion,--he is like a wild beast, all violence and
fierceness, and knows no other way of dealing; and he lives in all
ignorance and evil conditions, and has no sense of propriety and grace.

That is quite true, he said.

And as there are two principles of human nature, one the spirited
and the other the philosophical, some God, as I should say, has given
mankind two arts answering to them (and only indirectly to the soul
and body), in order that these two principles (like the strings of
an instrument) may be relaxed or drawn tighter until they are duly
harmonized.

That appears to be the intention.

And he who mingles music with gymnastic in the fairest proportions, and
best attempers them to the soul, may be rightly called the true musician
and harmonist in a far higher sense than the tuner of the strings.

You are quite right, Socrates.

And such a presiding genius will be always required in our State if the
government is to last.

Yes, he will be absolutely necessary.

Such, then, are our principles of nurture and education: Where would be
the use of going into further details about the dances of our citizens,
or about their hunting and coursing, their gymnastic and equestrian
contests? For these all follow the general principle, and having found
that, we shall have no difficulty in discovering them.

I dare say that there will be no difficulty.

Very good, I said; then what is the next question? Must we not ask who
are to be rulers and who subjects?

Certainly.

There can be no doubt that the elder must rule the younger.

Clearly.

And that the best of these must rule.

That is also clear.

Now, are not the best husbandmen those who are most devoted to
husbandry?

Yes.

And as we are to have the best of guardians for our city, must they not
be those who have most the character of guardians?

Yes.

And to this end they ought to be wise and efficient, and to have a
special care of the State?

True.

And a man will be most likely to care about that which he loves?

To be sure.

And he will be most likely to love that which he regards as having the
same interests with himself, and that of which the good or evil fortune
is supposed by him at any time most to affect his own?

Very true, he replied.

Then there must be a selection. Let us note among the guardians those
who in their whole life show the greatest eagerness to do what is for
the good of their country, and the greatest repugnance to do what is
against her interests.

Those are the right men.

And they will have to be watched at every age, in order that we may see
whether they preserve their resolution, and never, under the influence
either of force or enchantment, forget or cast off their sense of duty
to the State.

How cast off? he said.

I will explain to you, I replied. A resolution may go out of a man's
mind either with his will or against his will; with his will when he
gets rid of a falsehood and learns better, against his will whenever he
is deprived of a truth.

I understand, he said, the willing loss of a resolution; the meaning of
the unwilling I have yet to learn.

Why, I said, do you not see that men are unwillingly deprived of good,
and willingly of evil? Is not to have lost the truth an evil, and to
possess the truth a good? and you would agree that to conceive things as
they are is to possess the truth?

Yes, he replied; I agree with you in thinking that mankind are deprived
of truth against their will.

And is not this involuntary deprivation caused either by theft, or
force, or enchantment?

Still, he replied, I do not understand you.

I fear that I must have been talking darkly, like the tragedians. I only
mean that some men are changed by persuasion and that others forget;
argument steals away the hearts of one class, and time of the other; and
this I call theft. Now you understand me?

Yes.

Those again who are forced, are those whom the violence of some pain or
grief compels to change their opinion.

I understand, he said, and you are quite right.

And you would also acknowledge that the enchanted are those who change
their minds either under the softer influence of pleasure, or the
sterner influence of fear?

Yes, he said; everything that deceives may be said to enchant.

Therefore, as I was just now saying, we must enquire who are the best
guardians of their own conviction that what they think the interest
of the State is to be the rule of their lives. We must watch them from
their youth upwards, and make them perform actions in which they are
most likely to forget or to be deceived, and he who remembers and is
not deceived is to be selected, and he who fails in the trial is to be
rejected. That will be the way?

Yes.

And there should also be toils and pains and conflicts prescribed for
them, in which they will be made to give further proof of the same
qualities.

Very right, he replied.

And then, I said, we must try them with enchantments--that is the third
sort of test--and see what will be their behaviour: like those who take
colts amid noise and tumult to see if they are of a timid nature, so
must we take our youth amid terrors of some kind, and again pass them
into pleasures, and prove them more thoroughly than gold is proved in
the furnace, that we may discover whether they are armed against
all enchantments, and of a noble bearing always, good guardians of
themselves and of the music which they have learned, and retaining under
all circumstances a rhythmical and harmonious nature, such as will be
most serviceable to the individual and to the State. And he who at every
age, as boy and youth and in mature life, has come out of the trial
victorious and pure, shall be appointed a ruler and guardian of the
State; he shall be honoured in life and death, and shall receive
sepulture and other memorials of honour, the greatest that we have to
give. But him who fails, we must reject. I am inclined to think that
this is the sort of way in which our rulers and guardians should be
chosen and appointed. I speak generally, and not with any pretension to
exactness.

And, speaking generally, I agree with you, he said.

And perhaps the word 'guardian' in the fullest sense ought to be applied
to this higher class only who preserve us against foreign enemies and
maintain peace among our citizens at home, that the one may not have the
will, or the others the power, to harm us. The young men whom we
before called guardians may be more properly designated auxiliaries and
supporters of the principles of the rulers.

I agree with you, he said.

How then may we devise one of those needful falsehoods of which we
lately spoke--just one royal lie which may deceive the rulers, if that
be possible, and at any rate the rest of the city?

What sort of lie? he said.

Nothing new, I replied; only an old Phoenician tale (Laws) of what has
often occurred before now in other places, (as the poets say, and have
made the world believe,) though not in our time, and I do not know
whether such an event could ever happen again, or could now even be made
probable, if it did.

How your words seem to hesitate on your lips!

You will not wonder, I replied, at my hesitation when you have heard.

Speak, he said, and fear not.

Well then, I will speak, although I really know not how to look you
in the face, or in what words to utter the audacious fiction, which
I propose to communicate gradually, first to the rulers, then to the
soldiers, and lastly to the people. They are to be told that their youth
was a dream, and the education and training which they received from
us, an appearance only; in reality during all that time they were being
formed and fed in the womb of the earth, where they themselves and their
arms and appurtenances were manufactured; when they were completed, the
earth, their mother, sent them up; and so, their country being their
mother and also their nurse, they are bound to advise for her good, and
to defend her against attacks, and her citizens they are to regard as
children of the earth and their own brothers.

You had good reason, he said, to be ashamed of the lie which you were
going to tell.

True, I replied, but there is more coming; I have only told you half.
Citizens, we shall say to them in our tale, you are brothers, yet God
has framed you differently. Some of you have the power of command, and
in the composition of these he has mingled gold, wherefore also
they have the greatest honour; others he has made of silver, to be
auxiliaries; others again who are to be husbandmen and craftsmen he has
composed of brass and iron; and the species will generally be preserved
in the children. But as all are of the same original stock, a golden
parent will sometimes have a silver son, or a silver parent a golden
son. And God proclaims as a first principle to the rulers, and above all
else, that there is nothing which they should so anxiously guard, or of
which they are to be such good guardians, as of the purity of the race.
They should observe what elements mingle in their offspring; for if the
son of a golden or silver parent has an admixture of brass and iron,
then nature orders a transposition of ranks, and the eye of the ruler
must not be pitiful towards the child because he has to descend in the
scale and become a husbandman or artisan, just as there may be sons of
artisans who having an admixture of gold or silver in them are raised
to honour, and become guardians or auxiliaries. For an oracle says that
when a man of brass or iron guards the State, it will be destroyed. Such
is the tale; is there any possibility of making our citizens believe in
it?

Not in the present generation, he replied; there is no way of
accomplishing this; but their sons may be made to believe in the tale,
and their sons' sons, and posterity after them.

I see the difficulty, I replied; yet the fostering of such a belief will
make them care more for the city and for one another. Enough, however,
of the fiction, which may now fly abroad upon the wings of rumour, while
we arm our earth-born heroes, and lead them forth under the command of
their rulers. Let them look round and select a spot whence they can best
suppress insurrection, if any prove refractory within, and also defend
themselves against enemies, who like wolves may come down on the fold
from without; there let them encamp, and when they have encamped, let
them sacrifice to the proper Gods and prepare their dwellings.

Just so, he said.

And their dwellings must be such as will shield them against the cold of
winter and the heat of summer.

I suppose that you mean houses, he replied.

Yes, I said; but they must be the houses of soldiers, and not of
shop-keepers.

What is the difference? he said.

That I will endeavour to explain, I replied. To keep watch-dogs, who,
from want of discipline or hunger, or some evil habit or other, would
turn upon the sheep and worry them, and behave not like dogs but wolves,
would be a foul and monstrous thing in a shepherd?

Truly monstrous, he said.

And therefore every care must be taken that our auxiliaries, being
stronger than our citizens, may not grow to be too much for them and
become savage tyrants instead of friends and allies?

Yes, great care should be taken.

And would not a really good education furnish the best safeguard?

But they are well-educated already, he replied.

I cannot be so confident, my dear Glaucon, I said; I am much more
certain that they ought to be, and that true education, whatever that
may be, will have the greatest tendency to civilize and humanize them
in their relations to one another, and to those who are under their
protection.

Very true, he replied.

And not only their education, but their habitations, and all that
belongs to them, should be such as will neither impair their virtue as
guardians, nor tempt them to prey upon the other citizens. Any man of
sense must acknowledge that.

He must.

Then now let us consider what will be their way of life, if they are to
realize our idea of them. In the first place, none of them should have
any property of his own beyond what is absolutely necessary; neither
should they have a private house or store closed against any one who has
a mind to enter; their provisions should be only such as are required
by trained warriors, who are men of temperance and courage; they should
agree to receive from the citizens a fixed rate of pay, enough to meet
the expenses of the year and no more; and they will go to mess and live
together like soldiers in a camp. Gold and silver we will tell them
that they have from God; the diviner metal is within them, and they have
therefore no need of the dross which is current among men, and ought not
to pollute the divine by any such earthly admixture; for that commoner
metal has been the source of many unholy deeds, but their own is
undefiled. And they alone of all the citizens may not touch or handle
silver or gold, or be under the same roof with them, or wear them, or
drink from them. And this will be their salvation, and they will be the
saviours of the State. But should they ever acquire homes or lands
or moneys of their own, they will become housekeepers and husbandmen
instead of guardians, enemies and tyrants instead of allies of the other
citizens; hating and being hated, plotting and being plotted against,
they will pass their whole life in much greater terror of internal than
of external enemies, and the hour of ruin, both to themselves and to the
rest of the State, will be at hand. For all which reasons may we not
say that thus shall our State be ordered, and that these shall be the
regulations appointed by us for guardians concerning their houses and
all other matters?

Yes, said Glaucon.




BOOK IV.

Here Adeimantus interposed a question: How would you answer, Socrates,
said he, if a person were to say that you are making these people
miserable, and that they are the cause of their own unhappiness; the
city in fact belongs to them, but they are none the better for it;
whereas other men acquire lands, and build large and handsome houses,
and have everything handsome about them, offering sacrifices to the gods
on their own account, and practising hospitality; moreover, as you were
saying just now, they have gold and silver, and all that is usual among
the favourites of fortune; but our poor citizens are no better than
mercenaries who are quartered in the city and are always mounting guard?

Yes, I said; and you may add that they are only fed, and not paid in
addition to their food, like other men; and therefore they cannot, if
they would, take a journey of pleasure; they have no money to spend on
a mistress or any other luxurious fancy, which, as the world goes, is
thought to be happiness; and many other accusations of the same nature
might be added.

But, said he, let us suppose all this to be included in the charge.

You mean to ask, I said, what will be our answer?

Yes.

If we proceed along the old path, my belief, I said, is that we shall
find the answer. And our answer will be that, even as they are, our
guardians may very likely be the happiest of men; but that our aim in
founding the State was not the disproportionate happiness of any one
class, but the greatest happiness of the whole; we thought that in a
State which is ordered with a view to the good of the whole we should
be most likely to find justice, and in the ill-ordered State injustice:
and, having found them, we might then decide which of the two is the
happier. At present, I take it, we are fashioning the happy State,
not piecemeal, or with a view of making a few happy citizens, but as a
whole; and by-and-by we will proceed to view the opposite kind of State.
Suppose that we were painting a statue, and some one came up to us
and said, Why do you not put the most beautiful colours on the most
beautiful parts of the body--the eyes ought to be purple, but you have
made them black--to him we might fairly answer, Sir, you would not
surely have us beautify the eyes to such a degree that they are no
longer eyes; consider rather whether, by giving this and the other
features their due proportion, we make the whole beautiful. And so I say
to you, do not compel us to assign to the guardians a sort of happiness
which will make them anything but guardians; for we too can clothe our
husbandmen in royal apparel, and set crowns of gold on their heads, and
bid them till the ground as much as they like, and no more. Our potters
also might be allowed to repose on couches, and feast by the fireside,
passing round the winecup, while their wheel is conveniently at hand,
and working at pottery only as much as they like; in this way we might
make every class happy--and then, as you imagine, the whole State would
be happy. But do not put this idea into our heads; for, if we listen
to you, the husbandman will be no longer a husbandman, the potter will
cease to be a potter, and no one will have the character of any distinct
class in the State. Now this is not of much consequence where the
corruption of society, and pretension to be what you are not, is
confined to cobblers; but when the guardians of the laws and of the
government are only seeming and not real guardians, then see how they
turn the State upside down; and on the other hand they alone have the
power of giving order and happiness to the State. We mean our guardians
to be true saviours and not the destroyers of the State, whereas our
opponent is thinking of peasants at a festival, who are enjoying a life
of revelry, not of citizens who are doing their duty to the State. But,
if so, we mean different things, and he is speaking of something which
is not a State. And therefore we must consider whether in appointing
our guardians we would look to their greatest happiness individually, or
whether this principle of happiness does not rather reside in the State
as a whole. But if the latter be the truth, then the guardians and
auxiliaries, and all others equally with them, must be compelled or
induced to do their own work in the best way. And thus the whole State
will grow up in a noble order, and the several classes will receive the
proportion of happiness which nature assigns to them.

I think that you are quite right.

I wonder whether you will agree with another remark which occurs to me.

What may that be?

There seem to be two causes of the deterioration of the arts.

What are they?

Wealth, I said, and poverty.

How do they act?

The process is as follows: When a potter becomes rich, will he, think
you, any longer take the same pains with his art?

Certainly not.

He will grow more and more indolent and careless?

Very true.

And the result will be that he becomes a worse potter?

Yes; he greatly deteriorates.

But, on the other hand, if he has no money, and cannot provide himself
with tools or instruments, he will not work equally well himself, nor
will he teach his sons or apprentices to work equally well.

Certainly not.

Then, under the influence either of poverty or of wealth, workmen and
their work are equally liable to degenerate?

That is evident.

Here, then, is a discovery of new evils, I said, against which
the guardians will have to watch, or they will creep into the city
unobserved.

What evils?

Wealth, I said, and poverty; the one is the parent of luxury and
indolence, and the other of meanness and viciousness, and both of
discontent.

That is very true, he replied; but still I should like to know,
Socrates, how our city will be able to go to war, especially against an
enemy who is rich and powerful, if deprived of the sinews of war.

There would certainly be a difficulty, I replied, in going to war with
one such enemy; but there is no difficulty where there are two of them.

How so? he asked.

In the first place, I said, if we have to fight, our side will be
trained warriors fighting against an army of rich men.

That is true, he said.

And do you not suppose, Adeimantus, that a single boxer who was
perfect in his art would easily be a match for two stout and well-to-do
gentlemen who were not boxers?

Hardly, if they came upon him at once.

What, now, I said, if he were able to run away and then turn and strike
at the one who first came up? And supposing he were to do this several
times under the heat of a scorching sun, might he not, being an expert,
overturn more than one stout personage?

Certainly, he said, there would be nothing wonderful in that.

And yet rich men probably have a greater superiority in the science and
practise of boxing than they have in military qualities.

Likely enough.

Then we may assume that our athletes will be able to fight with two or
three times their own number?

I agree with you, for I think you right.

And suppose that, before engaging, our citizens send an embassy to one
of the two cities, telling them what is the truth: Silver and gold we
neither have nor are permitted to have, but you may; do you therefore
come and help us in war, and take the spoils of the other city: Who,
on hearing these words, would choose to fight against lean wiry dogs,
rather than, with the dogs on their side, against fat and tender sheep?

That is not likely; and yet there might be a danger to the poor State if
the wealth of many States were to be gathered into one.

But how simple of you to use the term State at all of any but our own!

Why so?

You ought to speak of other States in the plural number; not one of
them is a city, but many cities, as they say in the game. For indeed any
city, however small, is in fact divided into two, one the city of the
poor, the other of the rich; these are at war with one another; and in
either there are many smaller divisions, and you would be altogether
beside the mark if you treated them all as a single State. But if you
deal with them as many, and give the wealth or power or persons of the
one to the others, you will always have a great many friends and not
many enemies. And your State, while the wise order which has now been
prescribed continues to prevail in her, will be the greatest of States,
I do not mean to say in reputation or appearance, but in deed and truth,
though she number not more than a thousand defenders. A single State
which is her equal you will hardly find, either among Hellenes or
barbarians, though many that appear to be as great and many times
greater.

That is most true, he said.

And what, I said, will be the best limit for our rulers to fix when they
are considering the size of the State and the amount of territory which
they are to include, and beyond which they will not go?

What limit would you propose?

I would allow the State to increase so far as is consistent with unity;
that, I think, is the proper limit.

Very good, he said.

Here then, I said, is another order which will have to be conveyed to
our guardians: Let our city be accounted neither large nor small, but
one and self-sufficing.

And surely, said he, this is not a very severe order which we impose
upon them.

And the other, said I, of which we were speaking before is lighter
still,--I mean the duty of degrading the offspring of the guardians when
inferior, and of elevating into the rank of guardians the offspring of
the lower classes, when naturally superior. The intention was, that, in
the case of the citizens generally, each individual should be put to the
use for which nature intended him, one to one work, and then every man
would do his own business, and be one and not many; and so the whole
city would be one and not many.

Yes, he said; that is not so difficult.

The regulations which we are prescribing, my good Adeimantus, are not,
as might be supposed, a number of great principles, but trifles all,
if care be taken, as the saying is, of the one great thing,--a thing,
however, which I would rather call, not great, but sufficient for our
purpose.

What may that be? he asked.

Education, I said, and nurture: If our citizens are well educated,
and grow into sensible men, they will easily see their way through all
these, as well as other matters which I omit; such, for example, as
marriage, the possession of women and the procreation of children, which
will all follow the general principle that friends have all things in
common, as the proverb says.

That will be the best way of settling them.

Also, I said, the State, if once started well, moves with accumulating
force like a wheel. For good nurture and education implant good
constitutions, and these good constitutions taking root in a good
education improve more and more, and this improvement affects the breed
in man as in other animals.

Very possibly, he said.

Then to sum up: This is the point to which, above all, the attention of
our rulers should be directed,--that music and gymnastic be preserved in
their original form, and no innovation made. They must do their utmost
to maintain them intact. And when any one says that mankind most regard

'The newest song which the singers have,'

they will be afraid that he may be praising, not new songs, but a new
kind of song; and this ought not to be praised, or conceived to be the
meaning of the poet; for any musical innovation is full of danger to the
whole State, and ought to be prohibited. So Damon tells me, and I
can quite believe him;--he says that when modes of music change, the
fundamental laws of the State always change with them.

Yes, said Adeimantus; and you may add my suffrage to Damon's and your
own.

Then, I said, our guardians must lay the foundations of their fortress
in music?

Yes, he said; the lawlessness of which you speak too easily steals in.

Yes, I replied, in the form of amusement; and at first sight it appears
harmless.

Why, yes, he said, and there is no harm; were it not that little by
little this spirit of licence, finding a home, imperceptibly penetrates
into manners and customs; whence, issuing with greater force, it invades
contracts between man and man, and from contracts goes on to laws and
constitutions, in utter recklessness, ending at last, Socrates, by an
overthrow of all rights, private as well as public.

Is that true? I said.

That is my belief, he replied.

Then, as I was saying, our youth should be trained from the first in
a stricter system, for if amusements become lawless, and the youths
themselves become lawless, they can never grow up into well-conducted
and virtuous citizens.

Very true, he said.

And when they have made a good beginning in play, and by the help of
music have gained the habit of good order, then this habit of order, in
a manner how unlike the lawless play of the others! will accompany them
in all their actions and be a principle of growth to them, and if there
be any fallen places in the State will raise them up again.

Very true, he said.

Thus educated, they will invent for themselves any lesser rules which
their predecessors have altogether neglected.

What do you mean?

I mean such things as these:--when the young are to be silent before
their elders; how they are to show respect to them by standing and
making them sit; what honour is due to parents; what garments or shoes
are to be worn; the mode of dressing the hair; deportment and manners in
general. You would agree with me?

Yes.

But there is, I think, small wisdom in legislating about such
matters,--I doubt if it is ever done; nor are any precise written
enactments about them likely to be lasting.

Impossible.

It would seem, Adeimantus, that the direction in which education starts
a man, will determine his future life. Does not like always attract
like?

To be sure.

Until some one rare and grand result is reached which may be good, and
may be the reverse of good?

That is not to be denied.

And for this reason, I said, I shall not attempt to legislate further
about them.

Naturally enough, he replied.

Well, and about the business of the agora, and the ordinary dealings
between man and man, or again about agreements with artisans; about
insult and injury, or the commencement of actions, and the appointment
of juries, what would you say? there may also arise questions about
any impositions and exactions of market and harbour dues which may
be required, and in general about the regulations of markets, police,
harbours, and the like. But, oh heavens! shall we condescend to
legislate on any of these particulars?

I think, he said, that there is no need to impose laws about them on
good men; what regulations are necessary they will find out soon enough
for themselves.

Yes, I said, my friend, if God will only preserve to them the laws which
we have given them.

And without divine help, said Adeimantus, they will go on for ever
making and mending their laws and their lives in the hope of attaining
perfection.

You would compare them, I said, to those invalids who, having no
self-restraint, will not leave off their habits of intemperance?

Exactly.

Yes, I said; and what a delightful life they lead! they are always
doctoring and increasing and complicating their disorders, and always
fancying that they will be cured by any nostrum which anybody advises
them to try.

Such cases are very common, he said, with invalids of this sort.

Yes, I replied; and the charming thing is that they deem him their worst
enemy who tells them the truth, which is simply that, unless they give
up eating and drinking and wenching and idling, neither drug nor cautery
nor spell nor amulet nor any other remedy will avail.

Charming! he replied. I see nothing charming in going into a passion
with a man who tells you what is right.

These gentlemen, I said, do not seem to be in your good graces.

Assuredly not.

Nor would you praise the behaviour of States which act like the men whom
I was just now describing. For are there not ill-ordered States in
which the citizens are forbidden under pain of death to alter the
constitution; and yet he who most sweetly courts those who live under
this regime and indulges them and fawns upon them and is skilful in
anticipating and gratifying their humours is held to be a great and
good statesman--do not these States resemble the persons whom I was
describing?

Yes, he said; the States are as bad as the men; and I am very far from
praising them.

But do you not admire, I said, the coolness and dexterity of these ready
ministers of political corruption?

Yes, he said, I do; but not of all of them, for there are some whom
the applause of the multitude has deluded into the belief that they are
really statesmen, and these are not much to be admired.

What do you mean? I said; you should have more feeling for them. When a
man cannot measure, and a great many others who cannot measure declare
that he is four cubits high, can he help believing what they say?

Nay, he said, certainly not in that case.

Well, then, do not be angry with them; for are they not as good as a
play, trying their hand at paltry reforms such as I was describing; they
are always fancying that by legislation they will make an end of frauds
in contracts, and the other rascalities which I was mentioning, not
knowing that they are in reality cutting off the heads of a hydra?

Yes, he said; that is just what they are doing.

I conceive, I said, that the true legislator will not trouble
himself with this class of enactments whether concerning laws or the
constitution either in an ill-ordered or in a well-ordered State; for
in the former they are quite useless, and in the latter there will be no
difficulty in devising them; and many of them will naturally flow out of
our previous regulations.

What, then, he said, is still remaining to us of the work of
legislation?

Nothing to us, I replied; but to Apollo, the God of Delphi, there
remains the ordering of the greatest and noblest and chiefest things of
all.

Which are they? he said.

The institution of temples and sacrifices, and the entire service of
gods, demigods, and heroes; also the ordering of the repositories of
the dead, and the rites which have to be observed by him who would
propitiate the inhabitants of the world below. These are matters of
which we are ignorant ourselves, and as founders of a city we should be
unwise in trusting them to any interpreter but our ancestral deity. He
is the god who sits in the centre, on the navel of the earth, and he is
the interpreter of religion to all mankind.

You are right, and we will do as you propose.

But where, amid all this, is justice? son of Ariston, tell me where. Now
that our city has been made habitable, light a candle and search, and
get your brother and Polemarchus and the rest of our friends to help,
and let us see where in it we can discover justice and where injustice,
and in what they differ from one another, and which of them the man who
would be happy should have for his portion, whether seen or unseen by
gods and men.

Nonsense, said Glaucon: did you not promise to search yourself, saying
that for you not to help justice in her need would be an impiety?

I do not deny that I said so, and as you remind me, I will be as good as
my word; but you must join.

We will, he replied.

Well, then, I hope to make the discovery in this way: I mean to begin
with the assumption that our State, if rightly ordered, is perfect.

That is most certain.

And being perfect, is therefore wise and valiant and temperate and just.

That is likewise clear.

And whichever of these qualities we find in the State, the one which is
not found will be the residue?

Very good.

If there were four things, and we were searching for one of them,
wherever it might be, the one sought for might be known to us from the
first, and there would be no further trouble; or we might know the other
three first, and then the fourth would clearly be the one left.

Very true, he said.

And is not a similar method to be pursued about the virtues, which are
also four in number?

Clearly.

First among the virtues found in the State, wisdom comes into view, and
in this I detect a certain peculiarity.

What is that?

The State which we have been describing is said to be wise as being good
in counsel?

Very true.

And good counsel is clearly a kind of knowledge, for not by ignorance,
but by knowledge, do men counsel well?

Clearly.

And the kinds of knowledge in a State are many and diverse?

Of course.

There is the knowledge of the carpenter; but is that the sort of
knowledge which gives a city the title of wise and good in counsel?

Certainly not; that would only give a city the reputation of skill in
carpentering.

Then a city is not to be called wise because possessing a knowledge
which counsels for the best about wooden implements?

Certainly not.

Nor by reason of a knowledge which advises about brazen pots, I said,
nor as possessing any other similar knowledge?

Not by reason of any of them, he said.

Nor yet by reason of a knowledge which cultivates the earth; that would
give the city the name of agricultural?

Yes.

Well, I said, and is there any knowledge in our recently-founded State
among any of the citizens which advises, not about any particular thing
in the State, but about the whole, and considers how a State can best
deal with itself and with other States?

There certainly is.

And what is this knowledge, and among whom is it found? I asked.

It is the knowledge of the guardians, he replied, and is found among
those whom we were just now describing as perfect guardians.

And what is the name which the city derives from the possession of this
sort of knowledge?

The name of good in counsel and truly wise.

And will there be in our city more of these true guardians or more
smiths?

The smiths, he replied, will be far more numerous.

Will not the guardians be the smallest of all the classes who receive a
name from the profession of some kind of knowledge?

Much the smallest.

And so by reason of the smallest part or class, and of the knowledge
which resides in this presiding and ruling part of itself, the whole
State, being thus constituted according to nature, will be wise; and
this, which has the only knowledge worthy to be called wisdom, has been
ordained by nature to be of all classes the least.

Most true.

Thus, then, I said, the nature and place in the State of one of the four
virtues has somehow or other been discovered.

And, in my humble opinion, very satisfactorily discovered, he replied.

Again, I said, there is no difficulty in seeing the nature of courage,
and in what part that quality resides which gives the name of courageous
to the State.

How do you mean?

Why, I said, every one who calls any State courageous or cowardly, will
be thinking of the part which fights and goes out to war on the State's
behalf.

No one, he replied, would ever think of any other.

The rest of the citizens may be courageous or may be cowardly, but their
courage or cowardice will not, as I conceive, have the effect of making
the city either the one or the other.

Certainly not.

The city will be courageous in virtue of a portion of herself which
preserves under all circumstances that opinion about the nature of
things to be feared and not to be feared in which our legislator
educated them; and this is what you term courage.

I should like to hear what you are saying once more, for I do not think
that I perfectly understand you.

I mean that courage is a kind of salvation.

Salvation of what?

Of the opinion respecting things to be feared, what they are and of
what nature, which the law implants through education; and I mean by the
words 'under all circumstances' to intimate that in pleasure or in pain,
or under the influence of desire or fear, a man preserves, and does not
lose this opinion. Shall I give you an illustration?

If you please.

You know, I said, that dyers, when they want to dye wool for making the
true sea-purple, begin by selecting their white colour first; this they
prepare and dress with much care and pains, in order that the white
ground may take the purple hue in full perfection. The dyeing then
proceeds; and whatever is dyed in this manner becomes a fast colour,
and no washing either with lyes or without them can take away the bloom.
But, when the ground has not been duly prepared, you will have noticed
how poor is the look either of purple or of any other colour.

Yes, he said; I know that they have a washed-out and ridiculous
appearance.

Then now, I said, you will understand what our object was in selecting
our soldiers, and educating them in music and gymnastic; we were
contriving influences which would prepare them to take the dye of the
laws in perfection, and the colour of their opinion about dangers and
of every other opinion was to be indelibly fixed by their nurture
and training, not to be washed away by such potent lyes as
pleasure--mightier agent far in washing the soul than any soda or lye;
or by sorrow, fear, and desire, the mightiest of all other solvents. And
this sort of universal saving power of true opinion in conformity with
law about real and false dangers I call and maintain to be courage,
unless you disagree.

But I agree, he replied; for I suppose that you mean to exclude mere
uninstructed courage, such as that of a wild beast or of a slave--this,
in your opinion, is not the courage which the law ordains, and ought to
have another name.

Most certainly.

Then I may infer courage to be such as you describe?

Why, yes, said I, you may, and if you add the words 'of a citizen,'
you will not be far wrong;--hereafter, if you like, we will carry the
examination further, but at present we are seeking not for courage but
justice; and for the purpose of our enquiry we have said enough.

You are right, he replied.

Two virtues remain to be discovered in the State--first, temperance, and
then justice which is the end of our search.

Very true.

Now, can we find justice without troubling ourselves about temperance?

I do not know how that can be accomplished, he said, nor do I desire
that justice should be brought to light and temperance lost sight of;
and therefore I wish that you would do me the favour of considering
temperance first.

Certainly, I replied, I should not be justified in refusing your
request.

Then consider, he said.

Yes, I replied; I will; and as far as I can at present see, the virtue
of temperance has more of the nature of harmony and symphony than the
preceding.

How so? he asked.

Temperance, I replied, is the ordering or controlling of certain
pleasures and desires; this is curiously enough implied in the saying of
'a man being his own master;' and other traces of the same notion may be
found in language.

No doubt, he said.

There is something ridiculous in the expression 'master of himself;' for
the master is also the servant and the servant the master; and in all
these modes of speaking the same person is denoted.

Certainly.

The meaning is, I believe, that in the human soul there is a better and
also a worse principle; and when the better has the worse under control,
then a man is said to be master of himself; and this is a term of
praise: but when, owing to evil education or association, the better
principle, which is also the smaller, is overwhelmed by the greater mass
of the worse--in this case he is blamed and is called the slave of self
and unprincipled.

Yes, there is reason in that.

And now, I said, look at our newly-created State, and there you will
find one of these two conditions realized; for the State, as you
will acknowledge, may be justly called master of itself, if the words
'temperance' and 'self-mastery' truly express the rule of the better
part over the worse.

Yes, he said, I see that what you say is true.

Let me further note that the manifold and complex pleasures and desires
and pains are generally found in children and women and servants, and in
the freemen so called who are of the lowest and more numerous class.

Certainly, he said.

Whereas the simple and moderate desires which follow reason, and are
under the guidance of mind and true opinion, are to be found only in a
few, and those the best born and best educated.

Very true.

These two, as you may perceive, have a place in our State; and the
meaner desires of the many are held down by the virtuous desires and
wisdom of the few.

That I perceive, he said.

Then if there be any city which may be described as master of its own
pleasures and desires, and master of itself, ours may claim such a
designation?

Certainly, he replied.

It may also be called temperate, and for the same reasons?

Yes.

And if there be any State in which rulers and subjects will be agreed as
to the question who are to rule, that again will be our State?

Undoubtedly.

And the citizens being thus agreed among themselves, in which class will
temperance be found--in the rulers or in the subjects?

In both, as I should imagine, he replied.

Do you observe that we were not far wrong in our guess that temperance
was a sort of harmony?

Why so?

Why, because temperance is unlike courage and wisdom, each of which
resides in a part only, the one making the State wise and the other
valiant; not so temperance, which extends to the whole, and runs through
all the notes of the scale, and produces a harmony of the weaker and the
stronger and the middle class, whether you suppose them to be stronger
or weaker in wisdom or power or numbers or wealth, or anything else.
Most truly then may we deem temperance to be the agreement of the
naturally superior and inferior, as to the right to rule of either, both
in states and individuals.

I entirely agree with you.

And so, I said, we may consider three out of the four virtues to have
been discovered in our State. The last of those qualities which make a
state virtuous must be justice, if we only knew what that was.

The inference is obvious.

The time then has arrived, Glaucon, when, like huntsmen, we should
surround the cover, and look sharp that justice does not steal away, and
pass out of sight and escape us; for beyond a doubt she is somewhere in
this country: watch therefore and strive to catch a sight of her, and if
you see her first, let me know.

Would that I could! but you should regard me rather as a follower who
has just eyes enough to see what you show him--that is about as much as
I am good for.

Offer up a prayer with me and follow.

I will, but you must show me the way.

Here is no path, I said, and the wood is dark and perplexing; still we
must push on.

Let us push on.

Here I saw something: Halloo! I said, I begin to perceive a track, and I
believe that the quarry will not escape.

Good news, he said.

Truly, I said, we are stupid fellows.

Why so?

Why, my good sir, at the beginning of our enquiry, ages ago, there was
justice tumbling out at our feet, and we never saw her; nothing could be
more ridiculous. Like people who go about looking for what they have
in their hands--that was the way with us--we looked not at what we
were seeking, but at what was far off in the distance; and therefore, I
suppose, we missed her.

What do you mean?

I mean to say that in reality for a long time past we have been talking
of justice, and have failed to recognise her.

I grow impatient at the length of your exordium.

Well then, tell me, I said, whether I am right or not: You remember the
original principle which we were always laying down at the foundation
of the State, that one man should practise one thing only, the thing to
which his nature was best adapted;--now justice is this principle or a
part of it.

Yes, we often said that one man should do one thing only.

Further, we affirmed that justice was doing one's own business, and not
being a busybody; we said so again and again, and many others have said
the same to us.

Yes, we said so.

Then to do one's own business in a certain way may be assumed to be
justice. Can you tell me whence I derive this inference?

I cannot, but I should like to be told.

Because I think that this is the only virtue which remains in the
State when the other virtues of temperance and courage and wisdom are
abstracted; and, that this is the ultimate cause and condition of the
existence of all of them, and while remaining in them is also their
preservative; and we were saying that if the three were discovered by
us, justice would be the fourth or remaining one.

That follows of necessity.

If we are asked to determine which of these four qualities by its
presence contributes most to the excellence of the State, whether the
agreement of rulers and subjects, or the preservation in the soldiers of
the opinion which the law ordains about the true nature of dangers, or
wisdom and watchfulness in the rulers, or whether this other which I am
mentioning, and which is found in children and women, slave and freeman,
artisan, ruler, subject,--the quality, I mean, of every one doing his
own work, and not being a busybody, would claim the palm--the question
is not so easily answered.

Certainly, he replied, there would be a difficulty in saying which.

Then the power of each individual in the State to do his own work
appears to compete with the other political virtues, wisdom, temperance,
courage.

Yes, he said.

And the virtue which enters into this competition is justice?

Exactly.

Let us look at the question from another point of view: Are not
the rulers in a State those to whom you would entrust the office of
determining suits at law?

Certainly.

And are suits decided on any other ground but that a man may neither
take what is another's, nor be deprived of what is his own?

Yes; that is their principle.

Which is a just principle?

Yes.

Then on this view also justice will be admitted to be the having and
doing what is a man's own, and belongs to him?

Very true.

Think, now, and say whether you agree with me or not. Suppose a
carpenter to be doing the business of a cobbler, or a cobbler of a
carpenter; and suppose them to exchange their implements or their
duties, or the same person to be doing the work of both, or whatever be
the change; do you think that any great harm would result to the State?

Not much.

But when the cobbler or any other man whom nature designed to be a
trader, having his heart lifted up by wealth or strength or the number
of his followers, or any like advantage, attempts to force his way
into the class of warriors, or a warrior into that of legislators and
guardians, for which he is unfitted, and either to take the implements
or the duties of the other; or when one man is trader, legislator, and
warrior all in one, then I think you will agree with me in saying that
this interchange and this meddling of one with another is the ruin of
the State.

Most true.

Seeing then, I said, that there are three distinct classes, any meddling
of one with another, or the change of one into another, is the greatest
harm to the State, and may be most justly termed evil-doing?

Precisely.

And the greatest degree of evil-doing to one's own city would be termed
by you injustice?

Certainly.

This then is injustice; and on the other hand when the trader, the
auxiliary, and the guardian each do their own business, that is justice,
and will make the city just.

I agree with you.

We will not, I said, be over-positive as yet; but if, on trial, this
conception of justice be verified in the individual as well as in
the State, there will be no longer any room for doubt; if it be not
verified, we must have a fresh enquiry. First let us complete the old
investigation, which we began, as you remember, under the impression
that, if we could previously examine justice on the larger scale, there
would be less difficulty in discerning her in the individual. That
larger example appeared to be the State, and accordingly we constructed
as good a one as we could, knowing well that in the good State justice
would be found. Let the discovery which we made be now applied to the
individual--if they agree, we shall be satisfied; or, if there be a
difference in the individual, we will come back to the State and
have another trial of the theory. The friction of the two when rubbed
together may possibly strike a light in which justice will shine forth,
and the vision which is then revealed we will fix in our souls.

That will be in regular course; let us do as you say.

I proceeded to ask: When two things, a greater and less, are called by
the same name, are they like or unlike in so far as they are called the
same?

Like, he replied.

The just man then, if we regard the idea of justice only, will be like
the just State?

He will.

And a State was thought by us to be just when the three classes in the
State severally did their own business; and also thought to be temperate
and valiant and wise by reason of certain other affections and qualities
of these same classes?

True, he said.

And so of the individual; we may assume that he has the same three
principles in his own soul which are found in the State; and he may be
rightly described in the same terms, because he is affected in the same
manner?

Certainly, he said.

Once more then, O my friend, we have alighted upon an easy
question--whether the soul has these three principles or not?

An easy question! Nay, rather, Socrates, the proverb holds that hard is
the good.

Very true, I said; and I do not think that the method which we are
employing is at all adequate to the accurate solution of this question;
the true method is another and a longer one. Still we may arrive at a
solution not below the level of the previous enquiry.

May we not be satisfied with that? he said;--under the circumstances, I
am quite content.

I too, I replied, shall be extremely well satisfied.

Then faint not in pursuing the speculation, he said.

Must we not acknowledge, I said, that in each of us there are the same
principles and habits which there are in the State; and that from the
individual they pass into the State?--how else can they come there? Take
the quality of passion or spirit;--it would be ridiculous to imagine
that this quality, when found in States, is not derived from the
individuals who are supposed to possess it, e.g. the Thracians,
Scythians, and in general the northern nations; and the same may be said
of the love of knowledge, which is the special characteristic of our
part of the world, or of the love of money, which may, with equal truth,
be attributed to the Phoenicians and Egyptians.

Exactly so, he said.

There is no difficulty in understanding this.

None whatever.

But the question is not quite so easy when we proceed to ask whether
these principles are three or one; whether, that is to say, we learn
with one part of our nature, are angry with another, and with a third
part desire the satisfaction of our natural appetites; or whether the
whole soul comes into play in each sort of action--to determine that is
the difficulty.

Yes, he said; there lies the difficulty.

Then let us now try and determine whether they are the same or
different.

How can we? he asked.

I replied as follows: The same thing clearly cannot act or be acted upon
in the same part or in relation to the same thing at the same time,
in contrary ways; and therefore whenever this contradiction occurs in
things apparently the same, we know that they are really not the same,
but different.

Good.

For example, I said, can the same thing be at rest and in motion at the
same time in the same part?

Impossible.

Still, I said, let us have a more precise statement of terms, lest we
should hereafter fall out by the way. Imagine the case of a man who is
standing and also moving his hands and his head, and suppose a person
to say that one and the same person is in motion and at rest at the same
moment--to such a mode of speech we should object, and should rather say
that one part of him is in motion while another is at rest.

Very true.

And suppose the objector to refine still further, and to draw the nice
distinction that not only parts of tops, but whole tops, when they spin
round with their pegs fixed on the spot, are at rest and in motion at
the same time (and he may say the same of anything which revolves in the
same spot), his objection would not be admitted by us, because in
such cases things are not at rest and in motion in the same parts of
themselves; we should rather say that they have both an axis and a
circumference, and that the axis stands still, for there is no deviation
from the perpendicular; and that the circumference goes round. But if,
while revolving, the axis inclines either to the right or left, forwards
or backwards, then in no point of view can they be at rest.

That is the correct mode of describing them, he replied.

Then none of these objections will confuse us, or incline us to believe
that the same thing at the same time, in the same part or in relation to
the same thing, can act or be acted upon in contrary ways.

Certainly not, according to my way of thinking.

Yet, I said, that we may not be compelled to examine all such
objections, and prove at length that they are untrue, let us assume
their absurdity, and go forward on the understanding that hereafter, if
this assumption turn out to be untrue, all the consequences which follow
shall be withdrawn.

Yes, he said, that will be the best way.

Well, I said, would you not allow that assent and dissent, desire and
aversion, attraction and repulsion, are all of them opposites, whether
they are regarded as active or passive (for that makes no difference in
the fact of their opposition)?

Yes, he said, they are opposites.

Well, I said, and hunger and thirst, and the desires in general, and
again willing and wishing,--all these you would refer to the classes
already mentioned. You would say--would you not?--that the soul of him
who desires is seeking after the object of his desire; or that he is
drawing to himself the thing which he wishes to possess: or again,
when a person wants anything to be given him, his mind, longing for the
realization of his desire, intimates his wish to have it by a nod of
assent, as if he had been asked a question?

Very true.

And what would you say of unwillingness and dislike and the absence of
desire; should not these be referred to the opposite class of repulsion
and rejection?

Certainly.

Admitting this to be true of desire generally, let us suppose a
particular class of desires, and out of these we will select hunger and
thirst, as they are termed, which are the most obvious of them?

Let us take that class, he said.

The object of one is food, and of the other drink?

Yes.

And here comes the point: is not thirst the desire which the soul has of
drink, and of drink only; not of drink qualified by anything else; for
example, warm or cold, or much or little, or, in a word, drink of any
particular sort: but if the thirst be accompanied by heat, then the
desire is of cold drink; or, if accompanied by cold, then of warm drink;
or, if the thirst be excessive, then the drink which is desired will be
excessive; or, if not great, the quantity of drink will also be small:
but thirst pure and simple will desire drink pure and simple, which is
the natural satisfaction of thirst, as food is of hunger?

Yes, he said; the simple desire is, as you say, in every case of the
simple object, and the qualified desire of the qualified object.

But here a confusion may arise; and I should wish to guard against an
opponent starting up and saying that no man desires drink only, but good
drink, or food only, but good food; for good is the universal object of
desire, and thirst being a desire, will necessarily be thirst after good
drink; and the same is true of every other desire.

Yes, he replied, the opponent might have something to say.

Nevertheless I should still maintain, that of relatives some have a
quality attached to either term of the relation; others are simple and
have their correlatives simple.

I do not know what you mean.

Well, you know of course that the greater is relative to the less?

Certainly.

And the much greater to the much less?

Yes.

And the sometime greater to the sometime less, and the greater that is
to be to the less that is to be?

Certainly, he said.

And so of more and less, and of other correlative terms, such as the
double and the half, or again, the heavier and the lighter, the swifter
and the slower; and of hot and cold, and of any other relatives;--is not
this true of all of them?

Yes.

And does not the same principle hold in the sciences? The object of
science is knowledge (assuming that to be the true definition), but
the object of a particular science is a particular kind of knowledge;
I mean, for example, that the science of house-building is a kind of
knowledge which is defined and distinguished from other kinds and is
therefore termed architecture.

Certainly.

Because it has a particular quality which no other has?

Yes.

And it has this particular quality because it has an object of a
particular kind; and this is true of the other arts and sciences?

Yes.

Now, then, if I have made myself clear, you will understand my original
meaning in what I said about relatives. My meaning was, that if one term
of a relation is taken alone, the other is taken alone; if one term
is qualified, the other is also qualified. I do not mean to say that
relatives may not be disparate, or that the science of health is
healthy, or of disease necessarily diseased, or that the sciences of
good and evil are therefore good and evil; but only that, when the term
science is no longer used absolutely, but has a qualified object which
in this case is the nature of health and disease, it becomes defined,
and is hence called not merely science, but the science of medicine.

I quite understand, and I think as you do.

Would you not say that thirst is one of these essentially relative
terms, having clearly a relation--

Yes, thirst is relative to drink.

And a certain kind of thirst is relative to a certain kind of drink; but
thirst taken alone is neither of much nor little, nor of good nor bad,
nor of any particular kind of drink, but of drink only?

Certainly.

Then the soul of the thirsty one, in so far as he is thirsty, desires
only drink; for this he yearns and tries to obtain it?

That is plain.

And if you suppose something which pulls a thirsty soul away from drink,
that must be different from the thirsty principle which draws him like
a beast to drink; for, as we were saying, the same thing cannot at the
same time with the same part of itself act in contrary ways about the
same.

Impossible.

No more than you can say that the hands of the archer push and pull the
bow at the same time, but what you say is that one hand pushes and the
other pulls.

Exactly so, he replied.

And might a man be thirsty, and yet unwilling to drink?

Yes, he said, it constantly happens.

And in such a case what is one to say? Would you not say that there
was something in the soul bidding a man to drink, and something else
forbidding him, which is other and stronger than the principle which
bids him?

I should say so.

And the forbidding principle is derived from reason, and that which bids
and attracts proceeds from passion and disease?

Clearly.

Then we may fairly assume that they are two, and that they differ from
one another; the one with which a man reasons, we may call the rational
principle of the soul, the other, with which he loves and hungers and
thirsts and feels the flutterings of any other desire, may be termed
the irrational or appetitive, the ally of sundry pleasures and
satisfactions?

Yes, he said, we may fairly assume them to be different.

Then let us finally determine that there are two principles existing in
the soul. And what of passion, or spirit? Is it a third, or akin to one
of the preceding?

I should be inclined to say--akin to desire.

Well, I said, there is a story which I remember to have heard, and in
which I put faith. The story is, that Leontius, the son of Aglaion,
coming up one day from the Piraeus, under the north wall on the outside,
observed some dead bodies lying on the ground at the place of execution.
He felt a desire to see them, and also a dread and abhorrence of them;
for a time he struggled and covered his eyes, but at length the desire
got the better of him; and forcing them open, he ran up to the dead
bodies, saying, Look, ye wretches, take your fill of the fair sight.

I have heard the story myself, he said.

The moral of the tale is, that anger at times goes to war with desire,
as though they were two distinct things.

Yes; that is the meaning, he said.

And are there not many other cases in which we observe that when a man's
desires violently prevail over his reason, he reviles himself, and is
angry at the violence within him, and that in this struggle, which is
like the struggle of factions in a State, his spirit is on the side of
his reason;--but for the passionate or spirited element to take part
with the desires when reason decides that she should not be opposed,
is a sort of thing which I believe that you never observed occurring in
yourself, nor, as I should imagine, in any one else?

Certainly not.

Suppose that a man thinks he has done a wrong to another, the nobler
he is the less able is he to feel indignant at any suffering, such as
hunger, or cold, or any other pain which the injured person may inflict
upon him--these he deems to be just, and, as I say, his anger refuses to
be excited by them.

True, he said.

But when he thinks that he is the sufferer of the wrong, then he boils
and chafes, and is on the side of what he believes to be justice; and
because he suffers hunger or cold or other pain he is only the more
determined to persevere and conquer. His noble spirit will not be
quelled until he either slays or is slain; or until he hears the voice
of the shepherd, that is, reason, bidding his dog bark no more.

The illustration is perfect, he replied; and in our State, as we were
saying, the auxiliaries were to be dogs, and to hear the voice of the
rulers, who are their shepherds.

I perceive, I said, that you quite understand me; there is, however, a
further point which I wish you to consider.

What point?

You remember that passion or spirit appeared at first sight to be a kind
of desire, but now we should say quite the contrary; for in the conflict
of the soul spirit is arrayed on the side of the rational principle.

Most assuredly.

But a further question arises: Is passion different from reason also, or
only a kind of reason; in which latter case, instead of three principles
in the soul, there will only be two, the rational and the concupiscent;
or rather, as the State was composed of three classes, traders,
auxiliaries, counsellors, so may there not be in the individual soul a
third element which is passion or spirit, and when not corrupted by bad
education is the natural auxiliary of reason?

Yes, he said, there must be a third.

Yes, I replied, if passion, which has already been shown to be different
from desire, turn out also to be different from reason.

But that is easily proved:--We may observe even in young children that
they are full of spirit almost as soon as they are born, whereas some
of them never seem to attain to the use of reason, and most of them late
enough.

Excellent, I said, and you may see passion equally in brute animals,
which is a further proof of the truth of what you are saying. And we may
once more appeal to the words of Homer, which have been already quoted
by us,

'He smote his breast, and thus rebuked his soul,'

for in this verse Homer has clearly supposed the power which reasons
about the better and worse to be different from the unreasoning anger
which is rebuked by it.

Very true, he said.

And so, after much tossing, we have reached land, and are fairly agreed
that the same principles which exist in the State exist also in the
individual, and that they are three in number.

Exactly.

Must we not then infer that the individual is wise in the same way, and
in virtue of the same quality which makes the State wise?

Certainly.

Also that the same quality which constitutes courage in the State
constitutes courage in the individual, and that both the State and the
individual bear the same relation to all the other virtues?

Assuredly.

And the individual will be acknowledged by us to be just in the same way
in which the State is just?

That follows, of course.

We cannot but remember that the justice of the State consisted in each
of the three classes doing the work of its own class?

We are not very likely to have forgotten, he said.

We must recollect that the individual in whom the several qualities of
his nature do their own work will be just, and will do his own work?

Yes, he said, we must remember that too.

And ought not the rational principle, which is wise, and has the care of
the whole soul, to rule, and the passionate or spirited principle to be
the subject and ally?

Certainly.

And, as we were saying, the united influence of music and gymnastic will
bring them into accord, nerving and sustaining the reason with noble
words and lessons, and moderating and soothing and civilizing the
wildness of passion by harmony and rhythm?

Quite true, he said.

And these two, thus nurtured and educated, and having learned truly to
know their own functions, will rule over the concupiscent, which in each
of us is the largest part of the soul and by nature most insatiable of
gain; over this they will keep guard, lest, waxing great and strong with
the fulness of bodily pleasures, as they are termed, the concupiscent
soul, no longer confined to her own sphere, should attempt to enslave
and rule those who are not her natural-born subjects, and overturn the
whole life of man?

Very true, he said.

Both together will they not be the best defenders of the whole soul and
the whole body against attacks from without; the one counselling, and
the other fighting under his leader, and courageously executing his
commands and counsels?

True.

And he is to be deemed courageous whose spirit retains in pleasure and
in pain the commands of reason about what he ought or ought not to fear?

Right, he replied.

And him we call wise who has in him that little part which rules, and
which proclaims these commands; that part too being supposed to have a
knowledge of what is for the interest of each of the three parts and of
the whole?

Assuredly.

And would you not say that he is temperate who has these same elements
in friendly harmony, in whom the one ruling principle of reason, and
the two subject ones of spirit and desire are equally agreed that reason
ought to rule, and do not rebel?

Certainly, he said, that is the true account of temperance whether in
the State or individual.

And surely, I said, we have explained again and again how and by virtue
of what quality a man will be just.

That is very certain.

And is justice dimmer in the individual, and is her form different, or
is she the same which we found her to be in the State?

There is no difference in my opinion, he said.

Because, if any doubt is still lingering in our minds, a few commonplace
instances will satisfy us of the truth of what I am saying.

What sort of instances do you mean?

If the case is put to us, must we not admit that the just State, or
the man who is trained in the principles of such a State, will be less
likely than the unjust to make away with a deposit of gold or silver?
Would any one deny this?

No one, he replied.

Will the just man or citizen ever be guilty of sacrilege or theft, or
treachery either to his friends or to his country?

Never.

Neither will he ever break faith where there have been oaths or
agreements?

Impossible.

No one will be less likely to commit adultery, or to dishonour his
father and mother, or to fail in his religious duties?

No one.

And the reason is that each part of him is doing its own business,
whether in ruling or being ruled?

Exactly so.

Are you satisfied then that the quality which makes such men and such
states is justice, or do you hope to discover some other?

Not I, indeed.

Then our dream has been realized; and the suspicion which we entertained
at the beginning of our work of construction, that some divine power
must have conducted us to a primary form of justice, has now been
verified?

Yes, certainly.

And the division of labour which required the carpenter and the
shoemaker and the rest of the citizens to be doing each his own
business, and not another's, was a shadow of justice, and for that
reason it was of use?

Clearly.

But in reality justice was such as we were describing, being concerned
however, not with the outward man, but with the inward, which is the
true self and concernment of man: for the just man does not permit the
several elements within him to interfere with one another, or any of
them to do the work of others,--he sets in order his own inner life, and
is his own master and his own law, and at peace with himself; and when
he has bound together the three principles within him, which may be
compared to the higher, lower, and middle notes of the scale, and the
intermediate intervals--when he has bound all these together, and is
no longer many, but has become one entirely temperate and perfectly
adjusted nature, then he proceeds to act, if he has to act, whether in
a matter of property, or in the treatment of the body, or in some affair
of politics or private business; always thinking and calling that which
preserves and co-operates with this harmonious condition, just and good
action, and the knowledge which presides over it, wisdom, and that which
at any time impairs this condition, he will call unjust action, and the
opinion which presides over it ignorance.

You have said the exact truth, Socrates.

Very good; and if we were to affirm that we had discovered the just man
and the just State, and the nature of justice in each of them, we should
not be telling a falsehood?

Most certainly not.

May we say so, then?

Let us say so.

And now, I said, injustice has to be considered.

Clearly.

Must not injustice be a strife which arises among the three
principles--a meddlesomeness, and interference, and rising up of a part
of the soul against the whole, an assertion of unlawful authority, which
is made by a rebellious subject against a true prince, of whom he is the
natural vassal,--what is all this confusion and delusion but injustice,
and intemperance and cowardice and ignorance, and every form of vice?

Exactly so.

And if the nature of justice and injustice be known, then the meaning of
acting unjustly and being unjust, or, again, of acting justly, will also
be perfectly clear?

What do you mean? he said.

Why, I said, they are like disease and health; being in the soul just
what disease and health are in the body.

How so? he said.

Why, I said, that which is healthy causes health, and that which is
unhealthy causes disease.

Yes.

And just actions cause justice, and unjust actions cause injustice?

That is certain.

And the creation of health is the institution of a natural order and
government of one by another in the parts of the body; and the creation
of disease is the production of a state of things at variance with this
natural order?

True.

And is not the creation of justice the institution of a natural order
and government of one by another in the parts of the soul, and the
creation of injustice the production of a state of things at variance
with the natural order?

Exactly so, he said.

Then virtue is the health and beauty and well-being of the soul, and
vice the disease and weakness and deformity of the same?

True.

And do not good practices lead to virtue, and evil practices to vice?

Assuredly.

Still our old question of the comparative advantage of justice and
injustice has not been answered: Which is the more profitable, to be
just and act justly and practise virtue, whether seen or unseen of
gods and men, or to be unjust and act unjustly, if only unpunished and
unreformed?

In my judgment, Socrates, the question has now become ridiculous. We
know that, when the bodily constitution is gone, life is no longer
endurable, though pampered with all kinds of meats and drinks, and
having all wealth and all power; and shall we be told that when the
very essence of the vital principle is undermined and corrupted, life
is still worth having to a man, if only he be allowed to do whatever he
likes with the single exception that he is not to acquire justice and
virtue, or to escape from injustice and vice; assuming them both to be
such as we have described?

Yes, I said, the question is, as you say, ridiculous. Still, as we are
near the spot at which we may see the truth in the clearest manner with
our own eyes, let us not faint by the way.

Certainly not, he replied.

Come up hither, I said, and behold the various forms of vice, those of
them, I mean, which are worth looking at.

I am following you, he replied: proceed.

I said, The argument seems to have reached a height from which, as from
some tower of speculation, a man may look down and see that virtue
is one, but that the forms of vice are innumerable; there being four
special ones which are deserving of note.

What do you mean? he said.

I mean, I replied, that there appear to be as many forms of the soul as
there are distinct forms of the State.

How many?

There are five of the State, and five of the soul, I said.

What are they?

The first, I said, is that which we have been describing, and which may
be said to have two names, monarchy and aristocracy, accordingly as rule
is exercised by one distinguished man or by many.

True, he replied.

But I regard the two names as describing one form only; for whether the
government is in the hands of one or many, if the governors have been
trained in the manner which we have supposed, the fundamental laws of
the State will be maintained.

That is true, he replied.




BOOK V.

Such is the good and true City or State, and the good and true man is
of the same pattern; and if this is right every other is wrong; and the
evil is one which affects not only the ordering of the State, but also
the regulation of the individual soul, and is exhibited in four forms.

What are they? he said.

I was proceeding to tell the order in which the four evil forms appeared
to me to succeed one another, when Polemarchus, who was sitting a little
way off, just beyond Adeimantus, began to whisper to him: stretching
forth his hand, he took hold of the upper part of his coat by the
shoulder, and drew him towards him, leaning forward himself so as to be
quite close and saying something in his ear, of which I only caught the
words, 'Shall we let him off, or what shall we do?'

Certainly not, said Adeimantus, raising his voice.

Who is it, I said, whom you are refusing to let off?

You, he said.

I repeated, Why am I especially not to be let off?

Why, he said, we think that you are lazy, and mean to cheat us out of a
whole chapter which is a very important part of the story; and you fancy
that we shall not notice your airy way of proceeding; as if it were
self-evident to everybody, that in the matter of women and children
'friends have all things in common.'

And was I not right, Adeimantus?

Yes, he said; but what is right in this particular case, like everything
else, requires to be explained; for community may be of many kinds.
Please, therefore, to say what sort of community you mean. We have been
long expecting that you would tell us something about the family life
of your citizens--how they will bring children into the world, and rear
them when they have arrived, and, in general, what is the nature of this
community of women and children--for we are of opinion that the right
or wrong management of such matters will have a great and paramount
influence on the State for good or for evil. And now, since the question
is still undetermined, and you are taking in hand another State, we have
resolved, as you heard, not to let you go until you give an account of
all this.

To that resolution, said Glaucon, you may regard me as saying Agreed.

And without more ado, said Thrasymachus, you may consider us all to be
equally agreed.

I said, You know not what you are doing in thus assailing me: What an
argument are you raising about the State! Just as I thought that I had
finished, and was only too glad that I had laid this question to sleep,
and was reflecting how fortunate I was in your acceptance of what I then
said, you ask me to begin again at the very foundation, ignorant of what
a hornet's nest of words you are stirring. Now I foresaw this gathering
trouble, and avoided it.

For what purpose do you conceive that we have come here, said
Thrasymachus,--to look for gold, or to hear discourse?

Yes, but discourse should have a limit.

Yes, Socrates, said Glaucon, and the whole of life is the only limit
which wise men assign to the hearing of such discourses. But never mind
about us; take heart yourself and answer the question in your own way:
What sort of community of women and children is this which is to prevail
among our guardians? and how shall we manage the period between birth
and education, which seems to require the greatest care? Tell us how
these things will be.

Yes, my simple friend, but the answer is the reverse of easy; many more
doubts arise about this than about our previous conclusions. For the
practicability of what is said may be doubted; and looked at in another
point of view, whether the scheme, if ever so practicable, would be for
the best, is also doubtful. Hence I feel a reluctance to approach the
subject, lest our aspiration, my dear friend, should turn out to be a
dream only.

Fear not, he replied, for your audience will not be hard upon you; they
are not sceptical or hostile.

I said: My good friend, I suppose that you mean to encourage me by these
words.

Yes, he said.

Then let me tell you that you are doing just the reverse; the
encouragement which you offer would have been all very well had I myself
believed that I knew what I was talking about: to declare the truth
about matters of high interest which a man honours and loves among wise
men who love him need occasion no fear or faltering in his mind; but to
carry on an argument when you are yourself only a hesitating enquirer,
which is my condition, is a dangerous and slippery thing; and the danger
is not that I shall be laughed at (of which the fear would be childish),
but that I shall miss the truth where I have most need to be sure of my
footing, and drag my friends after me in my fall. And I pray Nemesis not
to visit upon me the words which I am going to utter. For I do indeed
believe that to be an involuntary homicide is a less crime than to be a
deceiver about beauty or goodness or justice in the matter of laws.
And that is a risk which I would rather run among enemies than among
friends, and therefore you do well to encourage me.

Glaucon laughed and said: Well then, Socrates, in case you and your
argument do us any serious injury you shall be acquitted beforehand of
the homicide, and shall not be held to be a deceiver; take courage then
and speak.

Well, I said, the law says that when a man is acquitted he is free from
guilt, and what holds at law may hold in argument.

Then why should you mind?

Well, I replied, I suppose that I must retrace my steps and say what I
perhaps ought to have said before in the proper place. The part of the
men has been played out, and now properly enough comes the turn of the
women. Of them I will proceed to speak, and the more readily since I am
invited by you.

For men born and educated like our citizens, the only way, in my
opinion, of arriving at a right conclusion about the possession and
use of women and children is to follow the path on which we originally
started, when we said that the men were to be the guardians and
watchdogs of the herd.

True.

Let us further suppose the birth and education of our women to be
subject to similar or nearly similar regulations; then we shall see
whether the result accords with our design.

What do you mean?

What I mean may be put into the form of a question, I said: Are dogs
divided into hes and shes, or do they both share equally in hunting and
in keeping watch and in the other duties of dogs? or do we entrust to
the males the entire and exclusive care of the flocks, while we leave
the females at home, under the idea that the bearing and suckling their
puppies is labour enough for them?

No, he said, they share alike; the only difference between them is that
the males are stronger and the females weaker.

But can you use different animals for the same purpose, unless they are
bred and fed in the same way?

You cannot.

Then, if women are to have the same duties as men, they must have the
same nurture and education?

Yes.

The education which was assigned to the men was music and gymnastic.

Yes.

Then women must be taught music and gymnastic and also the art of war,
which they must practise like the men?

That is the inference, I suppose.

I should rather expect, I said, that several of our proposals, if they
are carried out, being unusual, may appear ridiculous.

No doubt of it.

Yes, and the most ridiculous thing of all will be the sight of women
naked in the palaestra, exercising with the men, especially when they
are no longer young; they certainly will not be a vision of beauty, any
more than the enthusiastic old men who in spite of wrinkles and ugliness
continue to frequent the gymnasia.

Yes, indeed, he said: according to present notions the proposal would be
thought ridiculous.

But then, I said, as we have determined to speak our minds, we must not
fear the jests of the wits which will be directed against this sort of
innovation; how they will talk of women's attainments both in music
and gymnastic, and above all about their wearing armour and riding upon
horseback!

Very true, he replied.

Yet having begun we must go forward to the rough places of the law; at
the same time begging of these gentlemen for once in their life to be
serious. Not long ago, as we shall remind them, the Hellenes were of the
opinion, which is still generally received among the barbarians, that
the sight of a naked man was ridiculous and improper; and when first the
Cretans and then the Lacedaemonians introduced the custom, the wits of
that day might equally have ridiculed the innovation.

No doubt.

But when experience showed that to let all things be uncovered was far
better than to cover them up, and the ludicrous effect to the outward
eye vanished before the better principle which reason asserted, then the
man was perceived to be a fool who directs the shafts of his ridicule
at any other sight but that of folly and vice, or seriously inclines to
weigh the beautiful by any other standard but that of the good.

Very true, he replied.

First, then, whether the question is to be put in jest or in earnest,
let us come to an understanding about the nature of woman: Is she
capable of sharing either wholly or partially in the actions of men, or
not at all? And is the art of war one of those arts in which she can or
can not share? That will be the best way of commencing the enquiry, and
will probably lead to the fairest conclusion.

That will be much the best way.

Shall we take the other side first and begin by arguing against
ourselves; in this manner the adversary's position will not be
undefended.

Why not? he said.

Then let us put a speech into the mouths of our opponents. They will
say: 'Socrates and Glaucon, no adversary need convict you, for you
yourselves, at the first foundation of the State, admitted the principle
that everybody was to do the one work suited to his own nature.' And
certainly, if I am not mistaken, such an admission was made by us. 'And
do not the natures of men and women differ very much indeed?' And we
shall reply: Of course they do. Then we shall be asked, 'Whether the
tasks assigned to men and to women should not be different, and such as
are agreeable to their different natures?' Certainly they should. 'But
if so, have you not fallen into a serious inconsistency in saying that
men and women, whose natures are so entirely different, ought to perform
the same actions?'--What defence will you make for us, my good Sir,
against any one who offers these objections?

That is not an easy question to answer when asked suddenly; and I shall
and I do beg of you to draw out the case on our side.

These are the objections, Glaucon, and there are many others of a like
kind, which I foresaw long ago; they made me afraid and reluctant to
take in hand any law about the possession and nurture of women and
children.

By Zeus, he said, the problem to be solved is anything but easy.

Why yes, I said, but the fact is that when a man is out of his depth,
whether he has fallen into a little swimming bath or into mid ocean, he
has to swim all the same.

Very true.

And must not we swim and try to reach the shore: we will hope that
Arion's dolphin or some other miraculous help may save us?

I suppose so, he said.

Well then, let us see if any way of escape can be found. We
acknowledged--did we not? that different natures ought to have different
pursuits, and that men's and women's natures are different. And now
what are we saying?--that different natures ought to have the same
pursuits,--this is the inconsistency which is charged upon us.

Precisely.

Verily, Glaucon, I said, glorious is the power of the art of
contradiction!

Why do you say so?

Because I think that many a man falls into the practice against his
will. When he thinks that he is reasoning he is really disputing, just
because he cannot define and divide, and so know that of which he is
speaking; and he will pursue a merely verbal opposition in the spirit of
contention and not of fair discussion.

Yes, he replied, such is very often the case; but what has that to do
with us and our argument?

A great deal; for there is certainly a danger of our getting
unintentionally into a verbal opposition.

In what way?

Why we valiantly and pugnaciously insist upon the verbal truth, that
different natures ought to have different pursuits, but we never
considered at all what was the meaning of sameness or difference of
nature, or why we distinguished them when we assigned different pursuits
to different natures and the same to the same natures.

Why, no, he said, that was never considered by us.

I said: Suppose that by way of illustration we were to ask the question
whether there is not an opposition in nature between bald men and hairy
men; and if this is admitted by us, then, if bald men are cobblers, we
should forbid the hairy men to be cobblers, and conversely?

That would be a jest, he said.

Yes, I said, a jest; and why? because we never meant when we constructed
the State, that the opposition of natures should extend to every
difference, but only to those differences which affected the pursuit
in which the individual is engaged; we should have argued, for example,
that a physician and one who is in mind a physician may be said to have
the same nature.

True.

Whereas the physician and the carpenter have different natures?

Certainly.

And if, I said, the male and female sex appear to differ in their
fitness for any art or pursuit, we should say that such pursuit or art
ought to be assigned to one or the other of them; but if the difference
consists only in women bearing and men begetting children, this does not
amount to a proof that a woman differs from a man in respect of the
sort of education she should receive; and we shall therefore continue
to maintain that our guardians and their wives ought to have the same
pursuits.

Very true, he said.

Next, we shall ask our opponent how, in reference to any of the pursuits
or arts of civic life, the nature of a woman differs from that of a man?

That will be quite fair.

And perhaps he, like yourself, will reply that to give a sufficient
answer on the instant is not easy; but after a little reflection there
is no difficulty.

Yes, perhaps.

Suppose then that we invite him to accompany us in the argument, and
then we may hope to show him that there is nothing peculiar in the
constitution of women which would affect them in the administration of
the State.

By all means.

Let us say to him: Come now, and we will ask you a question:--when you
spoke of a nature gifted or not gifted in any respect, did you mean to
say that one man will acquire a thing easily, another with difficulty; a
little learning will lead the one to discover a great deal; whereas
the other, after much study and application, no sooner learns than he
forgets; or again, did you mean, that the one has a body which is a
good servant to his mind, while the body of the other is a hindrance to
him?--would not these be the sort of differences which distinguish the
man gifted by nature from the one who is ungifted?

No one will deny that.

And can you mention any pursuit of mankind in which the male sex has not
all these gifts and qualities in a higher degree than the female? Need
I waste time in speaking of the art of weaving, and the management of
pancakes and preserves, in which womankind does really appear to be
great, and in which for her to be beaten by a man is of all things the
most absurd?

You are quite right, he replied, in maintaining the general inferiority
of the female sex: although many women are in many things superior to
many men, yet on the whole what you say is true.

And if so, my friend, I said, there is no special faculty of
administration in a state which a woman has because she is a woman, or
which a man has by virtue of his sex, but the gifts of nature are alike
diffused in both; all the pursuits of men are the pursuits of women
also, but in all of them a woman is inferior to a man.

Very true.

Then are we to impose all our enactments on men and none of them on
women?

That will never do.

One woman has a gift of healing, another not; one is a musician, and
another has no music in her nature?

Very true.

And one woman has a turn for gymnastic and military exercises, and
another is unwarlike and hates gymnastics?

Certainly.

And one woman is a philosopher, and another is an enemy of philosophy;
one has spirit, and another is without spirit?

That is also true.

Then one woman will have the temper of a guardian, and another not. Was
not the selection of the male guardians determined by differences of
this sort?

Yes.

Men and women alike possess the qualities which make a guardian; they
differ only in their comparative strength or weakness.

Obviously.

And those women who have such qualities are to be selected as the
companions and colleagues of men who have similar qualities and whom
they resemble in capacity and in character?

Very true.

And ought not the same natures to have the same pursuits?

They ought.

Then, as we were saying before, there is nothing unnatural in assigning
music and gymnastic to the wives of the guardians--to that point we come
round again.

Certainly not.

The law which we then enacted was agreeable to nature, and therefore not
an impossibility or mere aspiration; and the contrary practice, which
prevails at present, is in reality a violation of nature.

That appears to be true.

We had to consider, first, whether our proposals were possible, and
secondly whether they were the most beneficial?

Yes.

And the possibility has been acknowledged?

Yes.

The very great benefit has next to be established?

Quite so.

You will admit that the same education which makes a man a good guardian
will make a woman a good guardian; for their original nature is the
same?

Yes.

I should like to ask you a question.

What is it?

Would you say that all men are equal in excellence, or is one man better
than another?

The latter.

And in the commonwealth which we were founding do you conceive the
guardians who have been brought up on our model system to be more
perfect men, or the cobblers whose education has been cobbling?

What a ridiculous question!

You have answered me, I replied: Well, and may we not further say that
our guardians are the best of our citizens?

By far the best.

And will not their wives be the best women?

Yes, by far the best.

And can there be anything better for the interests of the State than
that the men and women of a State should be as good as possible?

There can be nothing better.

And this is what the arts of music and gymnastic, when present in such
manner as we have described, will accomplish?

Certainly.

Then we have made an enactment not only possible but in the highest
degree beneficial to the State?

True.

Then let the wives of our guardians strip, for their virtue will be
their robe, and let them share in the toils of war and the defence of
their country; only in the distribution of labours the lighter are to be
assigned to the women, who are the weaker natures, but in other respects
their duties are to be the same. And as for the man who laughs at naked
women exercising their bodies from the best of motives, in his laughter
he is plucking

'A fruit of unripe wisdom,'

and he himself is ignorant of what he is laughing at, or what he is
about;--for that is, and ever will be, the best of sayings, That the
useful is the noble and the hurtful is the base.

Very true.

Here, then, is one difficulty in our law about women, which we may say
that we have now escaped; the wave has not swallowed us up alive for
enacting that the guardians of either sex should have all their
pursuits in common; to the utility and also to the possibility of this
arrangement the consistency of the argument with itself bears witness.

Yes, that was a mighty wave which you have escaped.

Yes, I said, but a greater is coming; you will not think much of this
when you see the next.

Go on; let me see.

The law, I said, which is the sequel of this and of all that has
preceded, is to the following effect,--'that the wives of our guardians
are to be common, and their children are to be common, and no parent is
to know his own child, nor any child his parent.'

Yes, he said, that is a much greater wave than the other; and
the possibility as well as the utility of such a law are far more
questionable.

I do not think, I said, that there can be any dispute about the very
great utility of having wives and children in common; the possibility is
quite another matter, and will be very much disputed.

I think that a good many doubts may be raised about both.

You imply that the two questions must be combined, I replied. Now I
meant that you should admit the utility; and in this way, as I thought,
I should escape from one of them, and then there would remain only the
possibility.

But that little attempt is detected, and therefore you will please to
give a defence of both.

Well, I said, I submit to my fate. Yet grant me a little favour: let
me feast my mind with the dream as day dreamers are in the habit of
feasting themselves when they are walking alone; for before they have
discovered any means of effecting their wishes--that is a matter which
never troubles them--they would rather not tire themselves by thinking
about possibilities; but assuming that what they desire is already
granted to them, they proceed with their plan, and delight in detailing
what they mean to do when their wish has come true--that is a way which
they have of not doing much good to a capacity which was never good for
much. Now I myself am beginning to lose heart, and I should like, with
your permission, to pass over the question of possibility at present.
Assuming therefore the possibility of the proposal, I shall now proceed
to enquire how the rulers will carry out these arrangements, and I shall
demonstrate that our plan, if executed, will be of the greatest benefit
to the State and to the guardians. First of all, then, if you have no
objection, I will endeavour with your help to consider the advantages of
the measure; and hereafter the question of possibility.

I have no objection; proceed.

First, I think that if our rulers and their auxiliaries are to be worthy
of the name which they bear, there must be willingness to obey in the
one and the power of command in the other; the guardians must themselves
obey the laws, and they must also imitate the spirit of them in any
details which are entrusted to their care.

That is right, he said.

You, I said, who are their legislator, having selected the men, will now
select the women and give them to them;--they must be as far as possible
of like natures with them; and they must live in common houses and meet
at common meals. None of them will have anything specially his or her
own; they will be together, and will be brought up together, and
will associate at gymnastic exercises. And so they will be drawn by
a necessity of their natures to have intercourse with each
other--necessity is not too strong a word, I think?

Yes, he said;--necessity, not geometrical, but another sort of necessity
which lovers know, and which is far more convincing and constraining to
the mass of mankind.

True, I said; and this, Glaucon, like all the rest, must proceed after
an orderly fashion; in a city of the blessed, licentiousness is an
unholy thing which the rulers will forbid.

Yes, he said, and it ought not to be permitted.

Then clearly the next thing will be to make matrimony sacred in the
highest degree, and what is most beneficial will be deemed sacred?

Exactly.

And how can marriages be made most beneficial?--that is a question which
I put to you, because I see in your house dogs for hunting, and of the
nobler sort of birds not a few. Now, I beseech you, do tell me, have you
ever attended to their pairing and breeding?

In what particulars?

Why, in the first place, although they are all of a good sort, are not
some better than others?

True.

And do you breed from them all indifferently, or do you take care to
breed from the best only?

From the best.

And do you take the oldest or the youngest, or only those of ripe age?

I choose only those of ripe age.

And if care was not taken in the breeding, your dogs and birds would
greatly deteriorate?

Certainly.

And the same of horses and animals in general?

Undoubtedly.

Good heavens! my dear friend, I said, what consummate skill will our
rulers need if the same principle holds of the human species!

Certainly, the same principle holds; but why does this involve any
particular skill?

Because, I said, our rulers will often have to practise upon the body
corporate with medicines. Now you know that when patients do not require
medicines, but have only to be put under a regimen, the inferior sort
of practitioner is deemed to be good enough; but when medicine has to be
given, then the doctor should be more of a man.

That is quite true, he said; but to what are you alluding?

I mean, I replied, that our rulers will find a considerable dose of
falsehood and deceit necessary for the good of their subjects: we were
saying that the use of all these things regarded as medicines might be
of advantage.

And we were very right.

And this lawful use of them seems likely to be often needed in the
regulations of marriages and births.

How so?

Why, I said, the principle has been already laid down that the best of
either sex should be united with the best as often, and the inferior
with the inferior, as seldom as possible; and that they should rear the
offspring of the one sort of union, but not of the other, if the flock
is to be maintained in first-rate condition. Now these goings on must be
a secret which the rulers only know, or there will be a further
danger of our herd, as the guardians may be termed, breaking out into
rebellion.

Very true.

Had we not better appoint certain festivals at which we will bring
together the brides and bridegrooms, and sacrifices will be offered and
suitable hymeneal songs composed by our poets: the number of weddings is
a matter which must be left to the discretion of the rulers, whose aim
will be to preserve the average of population? There are many other
things which they will have to consider, such as the effects of wars and
diseases and any similar agencies, in order as far as this is possible
to prevent the State from becoming either too large or too small.

Certainly, he replied.

We shall have to invent some ingenious kind of lots which the less
worthy may draw on each occasion of our bringing them together, and then
they will accuse their own ill-luck and not the rulers.

To be sure, he said.

And I think that our braver and better youth, besides their other
honours and rewards, might have greater facilities of intercourse with
women given them; their bravery will be a reason, and such fathers ought
to have as many sons as possible.

True.

And the proper officers, whether male or female or both, for offices are
to be held by women as well as by men--

Yes--

The proper officers will take the offspring of the good parents to the
pen or fold, and there they will deposit them with certain nurses who
dwell in a separate quarter; but the offspring of the inferior, or of
the better when they chance to be deformed, will be put away in some
mysterious, unknown place, as they should be.

Yes, he said, that must be done if the breed of the guardians is to be
kept pure.

They will provide for their nurture, and will bring the mothers to the
fold when they are full of milk, taking the greatest possible care that
no mother recognises her own child; and other wet-nurses may be engaged
if more are required. Care will also be taken that the process of
suckling shall not be protracted too long; and the mothers will have no
getting up at night or other trouble, but will hand over all this sort
of thing to the nurses and attendants.

You suppose the wives of our guardians to have a fine easy time of it
when they are having children.

Why, said I, and so they ought. Let us, however, proceed with our
scheme. We were saying that the parents should be in the prime of life?

Very true.

And what is the prime of life? May it not be defined as a period of
about twenty years in a woman's life, and thirty in a man's?

Which years do you mean to include?

A woman, I said, at twenty years of age may begin to bear children to
the State, and continue to bear them until forty; a man may begin at
five-and-twenty, when he has passed the point at which the pulse of life
beats quickest, and continue to beget children until he be fifty-five.

Certainly, he said, both in men and women those years are the prime of
physical as well as of intellectual vigour.

Any one above or below the prescribed ages who takes part in the public
hymeneals shall be said to have done an unholy and unrighteous thing;
the child of which he is the father, if it steals into life, will have
been conceived under auspices very unlike the sacrifices and prayers,
which at each hymeneal priestesses and priest and the whole city will
offer, that the new generation may be better and more useful than their
good and useful parents, whereas his child will be the offspring of
darkness and strange lust.

Very true, he replied.

And the same law will apply to any one of those within the prescribed
age who forms a connection with any woman in the prime of life without
the sanction of the rulers; for we shall say that he is raising up a
bastard to the State, uncertified and unconsecrated.

Very true, he replied.

This applies, however, only to those who are within the specified age:
after that we allow them to range at will, except that a man may not
marry his daughter or his daughter's daughter, or his mother or his
mother's mother; and women, on the other hand, are prohibited from
marrying their sons or fathers, or son's son or father's father, and
so on in either direction. And we grant all this, accompanying the
permission with strict orders to prevent any embryo which may come into
being from seeing the light; and if any force a way to the birth, the
parents must understand that the offspring of such an union cannot be
maintained, and arrange accordingly.

That also, he said, is a reasonable proposition. But how will they know
who are fathers and daughters, and so on?

They will never know. The way will be this:--dating from the day of the
hymeneal, the bridegroom who was then married will call all the male
children who are born in the seventh and tenth month afterwards his
sons, and the female children his daughters, and they will call him
father, and he will call their children his grandchildren, and they will
call the elder generation grandfathers and grandmothers. All who were
begotten at the time when their fathers and mothers came together will
be called their brothers and sisters, and these, as I was saying, will
be forbidden to inter-marry. This, however, is not to be understood as
an absolute prohibition of the marriage of brothers and sisters; if the
lot favours them, and they receive the sanction of the Pythian oracle,
the law will allow them.

Quite right, he replied.

Such is the scheme, Glaucon, according to which the guardians of our
State are to have their wives and families in common. And now you would
have the argument show that this community is consistent with the rest
of our polity, and also that nothing can be better--would you not?

Yes, certainly.

Shall we try to find a common basis by asking of ourselves what ought
to be the chief aim of the legislator in making laws and in the
organization of a State,--what is the greatest good, and what is the
greatest evil, and then consider whether our previous description has
the stamp of the good or of the evil?

By all means.

Can there be any greater evil than discord and distraction and plurality
where unity ought to reign? or any greater good than the bond of unity?

There cannot.

And there is unity where there is community of pleasures and
pains--where all the citizens are glad or grieved on the same occasions
of joy and sorrow?

No doubt.

Yes; and where there is no common but only private feeling a State is
disorganized--when you have one half of the world triumphing and the
other plunged in grief at the same events happening to the city or the
citizens?

Certainly.

Such differences commonly originate in a disagreement about the use of
the terms 'mine' and 'not mine,' 'his' and 'not his.'

Exactly so.

And is not that the best-ordered State in which the greatest number of
persons apply the terms 'mine' and 'not mine' in the same way to the
same thing?

Quite true.

Or that again which most nearly approaches to the condition of the
individual--as in the body, when but a finger of one of us is hurt, the
whole frame, drawn towards the soul as a centre and forming one kingdom
under the ruling power therein, feels the hurt and sympathizes all
together with the part affected, and we say that the man has a pain in
his finger; and the same expression is used about any other part of the
body, which has a sensation of pain at suffering or of pleasure at the
alleviation of suffering.

Very true, he replied; and I agree with you that in the best-ordered
State there is the nearest approach to this common feeling which you
describe.

Then when any one of the citizens experiences any good or evil, the
whole State will make his case their own, and will either rejoice or
sorrow with him?

Yes, he said, that is what will happen in a well-ordered State.

It will now be time, I said, for us to return to our State and see
whether this or some other form is most in accordance with these
fundamental principles.

Very good.

Our State like every other has rulers and subjects?

True.

All of whom will call one another citizens?

Of course.

But is there not another name which people give to their rulers in other
States?

Generally they call them masters, but in democratic States they simply
call them rulers.

And in our State what other name besides that of citizens do the people
give the rulers?

They are called saviours and helpers, he replied.

And what do the rulers call the people?

Their maintainers and foster-fathers.

And what do they call them in other States?

Slaves.

And what do the rulers call one another in other States?

Fellow-rulers.

And what in ours?

Fellow-guardians.

Did you ever know an example in any other State of a ruler who would
speak of one of his colleagues as his friend and of another as not being
his friend?

Yes, very often.

And the friend he regards and describes as one in whom he has an
interest, and the other as a stranger in whom he has no interest?

Exactly.

But would any of your guardians think or speak of any other guardian as
a stranger?

Certainly he would not; for every one whom they meet will be regarded
by them either as a brother or sister, or father or mother, or son or
daughter, or as the child or parent of those who are thus connected with
him.

Capital, I said; but let me ask you once more: Shall they be a family in
name only; or shall they in all their actions be true to the name? For
example, in the use of the word 'father,' would the care of a father be
implied and the filial reverence and duty and obedience to him which the
law commands; and is the violator of these duties to be regarded as an
impious and unrighteous person who is not likely to receive much good
either at the hands of God or of man? Are these to be or not to be the
strains which the children will hear repeated in their ears by all the
citizens about those who are intimated to them to be their parents and
the rest of their kinsfolk?

These, he said, and none other; for what can be more ridiculous than for
them to utter the names of family ties with the lips only and not to act
in the spirit of them?

Then in our city the language of harmony and concord will be more often
heard than in any other. As I was describing before, when any one is
well or ill, the universal word will be 'with me it is well' or 'it is
ill.'

Most true.

And agreeably to this mode of thinking and speaking, were we not saying
that they will have their pleasures and pains in common?

Yes, and so they will.

And they will have a common interest in the same thing which they will
alike call 'my own,' and having this common interest they will have a
common feeling of pleasure and pain?

Yes, far more so than in other States.

And the reason of this, over and above the general constitution of the
State, will be that the guardians will have a community of women and
children?

That will be the chief reason.

And this unity of feeling we admitted to be the greatest good, as was
implied in our own comparison of a well-ordered State to the relation of
the body and the members, when affected by pleasure or pain?

That we acknowledged, and very rightly.

Then the community of wives and children among our citizens is clearly
the source of the greatest good to the State?

Certainly.

And this agrees with the other principle which we were affirming,--that
the guardians were not to have houses or lands or any other property;
their pay was to be their food, which they were to receive from the
other citizens, and they were to have no private expenses; for we
intended them to preserve their true character of guardians.

Right, he replied.

Both the community of property and the community of families, as I am
saying, tend to make them more truly guardians; they will not tear
the city in pieces by differing about 'mine' and 'not mine;' each man
dragging any acquisition which he has made into a separate house of his
own, where he has a separate wife and children and private pleasures and
pains; but all will be affected as far as may be by the same pleasures
and pains because they are all of one opinion about what is near and
dear to them, and therefore they all tend towards a common end.

Certainly, he replied.

And as they have nothing but their persons which they can call their
own, suits and complaints will have no existence among them; they will
be delivered from all those quarrels of which money or children or
relations are the occasion.

Of course they will.

Neither will trials for assault or insult ever be likely to occur among
them. For that equals should defend themselves against equals we shall
maintain to be honourable and right; we shall make the protection of the
person a matter of necessity.

That is good, he said.

Yes; and there is a further good in the law; viz. that if a man has a
quarrel with another he will satisfy his resentment then and there, and
not proceed to more dangerous lengths.

Certainly.

To the elder shall be assigned the duty of ruling and chastising the
younger.

Clearly.

Nor can there be a doubt that the younger will not strike or do any
other violence to an elder, unless the magistrates command him; nor will
he slight him in any way. For there are two guardians, shame and fear,
mighty to prevent him: shame, which makes men refrain from laying hands
on those who are to them in the relation of parents; fear, that the
injured one will be succoured by the others who are his brothers, sons,
fathers.

That is true, he replied.

Then in every way the laws will help the citizens to keep the peace with
one another?

Yes, there will be no want of peace.

And as the guardians will never quarrel among themselves there will be
no danger of the rest of the city being divided either against them or
against one another.

None whatever.

I hardly like even to mention the little meannesses of which they will
be rid, for they are beneath notice: such, for example, as the
flattery of the rich by the poor, and all the pains and pangs which
men experience in bringing up a family, and in finding money to buy
necessaries for their household, borrowing and then repudiating, getting
how they can, and giving the money into the hands of women and slaves
to keep--the many evils of so many kinds which people suffer in this way
are mean enough and obvious enough, and not worth speaking of.

Yes, he said, a man has no need of eyes in order to perceive that.

And from all these evils they will be delivered, and their life will be
blessed as the life of Olympic victors and yet more blessed.

How so?

The Olympic victor, I said, is deemed happy in receiving a part only of
the blessedness which is secured to our citizens, who have won a more
glorious victory and have a more complete maintenance at the public
cost. For the victory which they have won is the salvation of the whole
State; and the crown with which they and their children are crowned is
the fulness of all that life needs; they receive rewards from the
hands of their country while living, and after death have an honourable
burial.

Yes, he said, and glorious rewards they are.

Do you remember, I said, how in the course of the previous discussion
some one who shall be nameless accused us of making our guardians
unhappy--they had nothing and might have possessed all things--to whom
we replied that, if an occasion offered, we might perhaps hereafter
consider this question, but that, as at present advised, we would make
our guardians truly guardians, and that we were fashioning the State
with a view to the greatest happiness, not of any particular class, but
of the whole?

Yes, I remember.

And what do you say, now that the life of our protectors is made out to
be far better and nobler than that of Olympic victors--is the life of
shoemakers, or any other artisans, or of husbandmen, to be compared with
it?

Certainly not.

At the same time I ought here to repeat what I have said elsewhere, that
if any of our guardians shall try to be happy in such a manner that
he will cease to be a guardian, and is not content with this safe and
harmonious life, which, in our judgment, is of all lives the best, but
infatuated by some youthful conceit of happiness which gets up into his
head shall seek to appropriate the whole state to himself, then he will
have to learn how wisely Hesiod spoke, when he said, 'half is more than
the whole.'

If he were to consult me, I should say to him: Stay where you are, when
you have the offer of such a life.

You agree then, I said, that men and women are to have a common way of
life such as we have described--common education, common children; and
they are to watch over the citizens in common whether abiding in the
city or going out to war; they are to keep watch together, and to hunt
together like dogs; and always and in all things, as far as they are
able, women are to share with the men? And in so doing they will do what
is best, and will not violate, but preserve the natural relation of the
sexes.

I agree with you, he replied.

The enquiry, I said, has yet to be made, whether such a community
be found possible--as among other animals, so also among men--and if
possible, in what way possible?

You have anticipated the question which I was about to suggest.

There is no difficulty, I said, in seeing how war will be carried on by
them.

How?

Why, of course they will go on expeditions together; and will take with
them any of their children who are strong enough, that, after the manner
of the artisan's child, they may look on at the work which they will
have to do when they are grown up; and besides looking on they will
have to help and be of use in war, and to wait upon their fathers and
mothers. Did you never observe in the arts how the potters' boys look on
and help, long before they touch the wheel?

Yes, I have.

And shall potters be more careful in educating their children and in
giving them the opportunity of seeing and practising their duties than
our guardians will be?

The idea is ridiculous, he said.

There is also the effect on the parents, with whom, as with other
animals, the presence of their young ones will be the greatest incentive
to valour.

That is quite true, Socrates; and yet if they are defeated, which may
often happen in war, how great the danger is! the children will be lost
as well as their parents, and the State will never recover.

True, I said; but would you never allow them to run any risk?

I am far from saying that.

Well, but if they are ever to run a risk should they not do so on some
occasion when, if they escape disaster, they will be the better for it?

Clearly.

Whether the future soldiers do or do not see war in the days of their
youth is a very important matter, for the sake of which some risk may
fairly be incurred.

Yes, very important.

This then must be our first step,--to make our children spectators
of war; but we must also contrive that they shall be secured against
danger; then all will be well.

True.

Their parents may be supposed not to be blind to the risks of war, but
to know, as far as human foresight can, what expeditions are safe and
what dangerous?

That may be assumed.

And they will take them on the safe expeditions and be cautious about
the dangerous ones?

True.

And they will place them under the command of experienced veterans who
will be their leaders and teachers?

Very properly.

Still, the dangers of war cannot be always foreseen; there is a good
deal of chance about them?

True.

Then against such chances the children must be at once furnished with
wings, in order that in the hour of need they may fly away and escape.

What do you mean? he said.

I mean that we must mount them on horses in their earliest youth, and
when they have learnt to ride, take them on horseback to see war: the
horses must not be spirited and warlike, but the most tractable and yet
the swiftest that can be had. In this way they will get an excellent
view of what is hereafter to be their own business; and if there is
danger they have only to follow their elder leaders and escape.

I believe that you are right, he said.

Next, as to war; what are to be the relations of your soldiers to one
another and to their enemies? I should be inclined to propose that the
soldier who leaves his rank or throws away his arms, or is guilty of any
other act of cowardice, should be degraded into the rank of a husbandman
or artisan. What do you think?

By all means, I should say.

And he who allows himself to be taken prisoner may as well be made a
present of to his enemies; he is their lawful prey, and let them do what
they like with him.

Certainly.

But the hero who has distinguished himself, what shall be done to
him? In the first place, he shall receive honour in the army from his
youthful comrades; every one of them in succession shall crown him. What
do you say?

I approve.

And what do you say to his receiving the right hand of fellowship?

To that too, I agree.

But you will hardly agree to my next proposal.

What is your proposal?

That he should kiss and be kissed by them.

Most certainly, and I should be disposed to go further, and say: Let
no one whom he has a mind to kiss refuse to be kissed by him while the
expedition lasts. So that if there be a lover in the army, whether
his love be youth or maiden, he may be more eager to win the prize of
valour.

Capital, I said. That the brave man is to have more wives than others
has been already determined: and he is to have first choices in such
matters more than others, in order that he may have as many children as
possible?

Agreed.

Again, there is another manner in which, according to Homer, brave
youths should be honoured; for he tells how Ajax, after he had
distinguished himself in battle, was rewarded with long chines, which
seems to be a compliment appropriate to a hero in the flower of his age,
being not only a tribute of honour but also a very strengthening thing.

Most true, he said.

Then in this, I said, Homer shall be our teacher; and we too, at
sacrifices and on the like occasions, will honour the brave according to
the measure of their valour, whether men or women, with hymns and those
other distinctions which we were mentioning; also with

'seats of precedence, and meats and full cups;'

and in honouring them, we shall be at the same time training them.

That, he replied, is excellent.

Yes, I said; and when a man dies gloriously in war shall we not say, in
the first place, that he is of the golden race?

To be sure.

Nay, have we not the authority of Hesiod for affirming that when they
are dead

'They are holy angels upon the earth, authors of good, averters of evil,
the guardians of speech-gifted men'?

Yes; and we accept his authority.

We must learn of the god how we are to order the sepulture of divine and
heroic personages, and what is to be their special distinction; and we
must do as he bids?

By all means.

And in ages to come we will reverence them and kneel before their
sepulchres as at the graves of heroes. And not only they but any who are
deemed pre-eminently good, whether they die from age, or in any other
way, shall be admitted to the same honours.

That is very right, he said.

Next, how shall our soldiers treat their enemies? What about this?

In what respect do you mean?

First of all, in regard to slavery? Do you think it right that Hellenes
should enslave Hellenic States, or allow others to enslave them, if
they can help? Should not their custom be to spare them, considering
the danger which there is that the whole race may one day fall under the
yoke of the barbarians?

To spare them is infinitely better.

Then no Hellene should be owned by them as a slave; that is a rule which
they will observe and advise the other Hellenes to observe.

Certainly, he said; they will in this way be united against the
barbarians and will keep their hands off one another.

Next as to the slain; ought the conquerors, I said, to take anything
but their armour? Does not the practice of despoiling an enemy afford
an excuse for not facing the battle? Cowards skulk about the dead,
pretending that they are fulfilling a duty, and many an army before now
has been lost from this love of plunder.

Very true.

And is there not illiberality and avarice in robbing a corpse, and also
a degree of meanness and womanishness in making an enemy of the dead
body when the real enemy has flown away and left only his fighting
gear behind him,--is not this rather like a dog who cannot get at his
assailant, quarrelling with the stones which strike him instead?

Very like a dog, he said.

Then we must abstain from spoiling the dead or hindering their burial?

Yes, he replied, we most certainly must.

Neither shall we offer up arms at the temples of the gods, least of all
the arms of Hellenes, if we care to maintain good feeling with other
Hellenes; and, indeed, we have reason to fear that the offering of
spoils taken from kinsmen may be a pollution unless commanded by the god
himself?

Very true.

Again, as to the devastation of Hellenic territory or the burning of
houses, what is to be the practice?

May I have the pleasure, he said, of hearing your opinion?

Both should be forbidden, in my judgment; I would take the annual
produce and no more. Shall I tell you why?

Pray do.

Why, you see, there is a difference in the names 'discord' and 'war,'
and I imagine that there is also a difference in their natures; the one
is expressive of what is internal and domestic, the other of what is
external and foreign; and the first of the two is termed discord, and
only the second, war.

That is a very proper distinction, he replied.

And may I not observe with equal propriety that the Hellenic race is all
united together by ties of blood and friendship, and alien and strange
to the barbarians?

Very good, he said.

And therefore when Hellenes fight with barbarians and barbarians with
Hellenes, they will be described by us as being at war when they fight,
and by nature enemies, and this kind of antagonism should be called war;
but when Hellenes fight with one another we shall say that Hellas is
then in a state of disorder and discord, they being by nature friends;
and such enmity is to be called discord.

I agree.

Consider then, I said, when that which we have acknowledged to be
discord occurs, and a city is divided, if both parties destroy the lands
and burn the houses of one another, how wicked does the strife appear!
No true lover of his country would bring himself to tear in pieces his
own nurse and mother: There might be reason in the conqueror depriving
the conquered of their harvest, but still they would have the idea of
peace in their hearts and would not mean to go on fighting for ever.

Yes, he said, that is a better temper than the other.

And will not the city, which you are founding, be an Hellenic city?

It ought to be, he replied.

Then will not the citizens be good and civilized?

Yes, very civilized.

And will they not be lovers of Hellas, and think of Hellas as their own
land, and share in the common temples?

Most certainly.

And any difference which arises among them will be regarded by them as
discord only--a quarrel among friends, which is not to be called a war?

Certainly not.

Then they will quarrel as those who intend some day to be reconciled?

Certainly.

They will use friendly correction, but will not enslave or destroy their
opponents; they will be correctors, not enemies?

Just so.

And as they are Hellenes themselves they will not devastate Hellas, nor
will they burn houses, nor ever suppose that the whole population of a
city--men, women, and children--are equally their enemies, for they know
that the guilt of war is always confined to a few persons and that the
many are their friends. And for all these reasons they will be unwilling
to waste their lands and rase their houses; their enmity to them will
only last until the many innocent sufferers have compelled the guilty
few to give satisfaction?

I agree, he said, that our citizens should thus deal with their Hellenic
enemies; and with barbarians as the Hellenes now deal with one another.

Then let us enact this law also for our guardians:--that they are
neither to devastate the lands of Hellenes nor to burn their houses.

Agreed; and we may agree also in thinking that these, like all our
previous enactments, are very good.

But still I must say, Socrates, that if you are allowed to go on in
this way you will entirely forget the other question which at the
commencement of this discussion you thrust aside:--Is such an order of
things possible, and how, if at all? For I am quite ready to acknowledge
that the plan which you propose, if only feasible, would do all sorts of
good to the State. I will add, what you have omitted, that your citizens
will be the bravest of warriors, and will never leave their ranks, for
they will all know one another, and each will call the other father,
brother, son; and if you suppose the women to join their armies, whether
in the same rank or in the rear, either as a terror to the enemy, or as
auxiliaries in case of need, I know that they will then be absolutely
invincible; and there are many domestic advantages which might also be
mentioned and which I also fully acknowledge: but, as I admit all these
advantages and as many more as you please, if only this State of yours
were to come into existence, we need say no more about them; assuming
then the existence of the State, let us now turn to the question of
possibility and ways and means--the rest may be left.

If I loiter for a moment, you instantly make a raid upon me, I said, and
have no mercy; I have hardly escaped the first and second waves, and you
seem not to be aware that you are now bringing upon me the third, which
is the greatest and heaviest. When you have seen and heard the third
wave, I think you will be more considerate and will acknowledge
that some fear and hesitation was natural respecting a proposal so
extraordinary as that which I have now to state and investigate.

The more appeals of this sort which you make, he said, the more
determined are we that you shall tell us how such a State is possible:
speak out and at once.

Let me begin by reminding you that we found our way hither in the search
after justice and injustice.

True, he replied; but what of that?

I was only going to ask whether, if we have discovered them, we are to
require that the just man should in nothing fail of absolute justice; or
may we be satisfied with an approximation, and the attainment in him of
a higher degree of justice than is to be found in other men?

The approximation will be enough.

We were enquiring into the nature of absolute justice and into the
character of the perfectly just, and into injustice and the perfectly
unjust, that we might have an ideal. We were to look at these in order
that we might judge of our own happiness and unhappiness according to
the standard which they exhibited and the degree in which we resembled
them, but not with any view of showing that they could exist in fact.

True, he said.

Would a painter be any the worse because, after having delineated with
consummate art an ideal of a perfectly beautiful man, he was unable to
show that any such man could ever have existed?

He would be none the worse.

Well, and were we not creating an ideal of a perfect State?

To be sure.

And is our theory a worse theory because we are unable to prove the
possibility of a city being ordered in the manner described?

Surely not, he replied.

That is the truth, I said. But if, at your request, I am to try and show
how and under what conditions the possibility is highest, I must ask
you, having this in view, to repeat your former admissions.

What admissions?

I want to know whether ideals are ever fully realized in language?
Does not the word express more than the fact, and must not the actual,
whatever a man may think, always, in the nature of things, fall short of
the truth? What do you say?

I agree.

Then you must not insist on my proving that the actual State will in
every respect coincide with the ideal: if we are only able to discover
how a city may be governed nearly as we proposed, you will admit that we
have discovered the possibility which you demand; and will be contented.
I am sure that I should be contented--will not you?

Yes, I will.

Let me next endeavour to show what is that fault in States which is the
cause of their present maladministration, and what is the least change
which will enable a State to pass into the truer form; and let the
change, if possible, be of one thing only, or, if not, of two; at any
rate, let the changes be as few and slight as possible.

Certainly, he replied.

I think, I said, that there might be a reform of the State if only one
change were made, which is not a slight or easy though still a possible
one.

What is it? he said.

Now then, I said, I go to meet that which I liken to the greatest of
the waves; yet shall the word be spoken, even though the wave break and
drown me in laughter and dishonour; and do you mark my words.

Proceed.

I said: 'Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this
world have the spirit and power of philosophy, and political greatness
and wisdom meet in one, and those commoner natures who pursue either
to the exclusion of the other are compelled to stand aside, cities
will never have rest from their evils,--nor the human race, as I
believe,--and then only will this our State have a possibility of life
and behold the light of day.' Such was the thought, my dear Glaucon,
which I would fain have uttered if it had not seemed too extravagant;
for to be convinced that in no other State can there be happiness
private or public is indeed a hard thing.

Socrates, what do you mean? I would have you consider that the word
which you have uttered is one at which numerous persons, and very
respectable persons too, in a figure pulling off their coats all in a
moment, and seizing any weapon that comes to hand, will run at you might
and main, before you know where you are, intending to do heaven knows
what; and if you don't prepare an answer, and put yourself in motion,
you will be 'pared by their fine wits,' and no mistake.

You got me into the scrape, I said.

And I was quite right; however, I will do all I can to get you out of
it; but I can only give you good-will and good advice, and, perhaps, I
may be able to fit answers to your questions better than another--that
is all. And now, having such an auxiliary, you must do your best to show
the unbelievers that you are right.

I ought to try, I said, since you offer me such invaluable assistance.
And I think that, if there is to be a chance of our escaping, we must
explain to them whom we mean when we say that philosophers are to rule
in the State; then we shall be able to defend ourselves: There will be
discovered to be some natures who ought to study philosophy and to be
leaders in the State; and others who are not born to be philosophers,
and are meant to be followers rather than leaders.

Then now for a definition, he said.

Follow me, I said, and I hope that I may in some way or other be able to
give you a satisfactory explanation.

Proceed.

I dare say that you remember, and therefore I need not remind you, that
a lover, if he is worthy of the name, ought to show his love, not to
some one part of that which he loves, but to the whole.

I really do not understand, and therefore beg of you to assist my
memory.

Another person, I said, might fairly reply as you do; but a man of
pleasure like yourself ought to know that all who are in the flower of
youth do somehow or other raise a pang or emotion in a lover's breast,
and are thought by him to be worthy of his affectionate regards. Is not
this a way which you have with the fair: one has a snub nose, and you
praise his charming face; the hook-nose of another has, you say, a
royal look; while he who is neither snub nor hooked has the grace of
regularity: the dark visage is manly, the fair are children of the gods;
and as to the sweet 'honey pale,' as they are called, what is the very
name but the invention of a lover who talks in diminutives, and is not
averse to paleness if appearing on the cheek of youth? In a word, there
is no excuse which you will not make, and nothing which you will not
say, in order not to lose a single flower that blooms in the spring-time
of youth.

If you make me an authority in matters of love, for the sake of the
argument, I assent.

And what do you say of lovers of wine? Do you not see them doing the
same? They are glad of any pretext of drinking any wine.

Very good.

And the same is true of ambitious men; if they cannot command an army,
they are willing to command a file; and if they cannot be honoured by
really great and important persons, they are glad to be honoured by
lesser and meaner people,--but honour of some kind they must have.

Exactly.

Once more let me ask: Does he who desires any class of goods, desire the
whole class or a part only?

The whole.

And may we not say of the philosopher that he is a lover, not of a part
of wisdom only, but of the whole?

Yes, of the whole.

And he who dislikes learning, especially in youth, when he has no power
of judging what is good and what is not, such an one we maintain not
to be a philosopher or a lover of knowledge, just as he who refuses his
food is not hungry, and may be said to have a bad appetite and not a
good one?

Very true, he said.

Whereas he who has a taste for every sort of knowledge and who is
curious to learn and is never satisfied, may be justly termed a
philosopher? Am I not right?

Glaucon said: If curiosity makes a philosopher, you will find many a
strange being will have a title to the name. All the lovers of sights
have a delight in learning, and must therefore be included. Musical
amateurs, too, are a folk strangely out of place among philosophers, for
they are the last persons in the world who would come to anything like
a philosophical discussion, if they could help, while they run about at
the Dionysiac festivals as if they had let out their ears to hear every
chorus; whether the performance is in town or country--that makes no
difference--they are there. Now are we to maintain that all these and
any who have similar tastes, as well as the professors of quite minor
arts, are philosophers?

Certainly not, I replied; they are only an imitation.

He said: Who then are the true philosophers?

Those, I said, who are lovers of the vision of truth.

That is also good, he said; but I should like to know what you mean?

To another, I replied, I might have a difficulty in explaining; but I am
sure that you will admit a proposition which I am about to make.

What is the proposition?

That since beauty is the opposite of ugliness, they are two?

Certainly.

And inasmuch as they are two, each of them is one?

True again.

And of just and unjust, good and evil, and of every other class, the
same remark holds: taken singly, each of them is one; but from the
various combinations of them with actions and things and with one
another, they are seen in all sorts of lights and appear many?

Very true.

And this is the distinction which I draw between the sight-loving,
art-loving, practical class and those of whom I am speaking, and who are
alone worthy of the name of philosophers.

How do you distinguish them? he said.

The lovers of sounds and sights, I replied, are, as I conceive, fond of
fine tones and colours and forms and all the artificial products that
are made out of them, but their mind is incapable of seeing or loving
absolute beauty.

True, he replied.

Few are they who are able to attain to the sight of this.

Very true.

And he who, having a sense of beautiful things has no sense of absolute
beauty, or who, if another lead him to a knowledge of that beauty is
unable to follow--of such an one I ask, Is he awake or in a dream
only? Reflect: is not the dreamer, sleeping or waking, one who likens
dissimilar things, who puts the copy in the place of the real object?

I should certainly say that such an one was dreaming.

But take the case of the other, who recognises the existence of absolute
beauty and is able to distinguish the idea from the objects which
participate in the idea, neither putting the objects in the place of the
idea nor the idea in the place of the objects--is he a dreamer, or is he
awake?

He is wide awake.

And may we not say that the mind of the one who knows has knowledge, and
that the mind of the other, who opines only, has opinion?

Certainly.

But suppose that the latter should quarrel with us and dispute our
statement, can we administer any soothing cordial or advice to him,
without revealing to him that there is sad disorder in his wits?

We must certainly offer him some good advice, he replied.

Come, then, and let us think of something to say to him. Shall we begin
by assuring him that he is welcome to any knowledge which he may have,
and that we are rejoiced at his having it? But we should like to ask him
a question: Does he who has knowledge know something or nothing? (You
must answer for him.)

I answer that he knows something.

Something that is or is not?

Something that is; for how can that which is not ever be known?

And are we assured, after looking at the matter from many points of
view, that absolute being is or may be absolutely known, but that the
utterly non-existent is utterly unknown?

Nothing can be more certain.

Good. But if there be anything which is of such a nature as to be and
not to be, that will have a place intermediate between pure being and
the absolute negation of being?

Yes, between them.

And, as knowledge corresponded to being and ignorance of necessity to
not-being, for that intermediate between being and not-being there has
to be discovered a corresponding intermediate between ignorance and
knowledge, if there be such?

Certainly.

Do we admit the existence of opinion?

Undoubtedly.

As being the same with knowledge, or another faculty?

Another faculty.

Then opinion and knowledge have to do with different kinds of matter
corresponding to this difference of faculties?

Yes.

And knowledge is relative to being and knows being. But before I proceed
further I will make a division.

What division?

I will begin by placing faculties in a class by themselves: they are
powers in us, and in all other things, by which we do as we do. Sight
and hearing, for example, I should call faculties. Have I clearly
explained the class which I mean?

Yes, I quite understand.

Then let me tell you my view about them. I do not see them, and
therefore the distinctions of figure, colour, and the like, which enable
me to discern the differences of some things, do not apply to them. In
speaking of a faculty I think only of its sphere and its result; and
that which has the same sphere and the same result I call the same
faculty, but that which has another sphere and another result I call
different. Would that be your way of speaking?

Yes.

And will you be so very good as to answer one more question? Would you
say that knowledge is a faculty, or in what class would you place it?

Certainly knowledge is a faculty, and the mightiest of all faculties.

And is opinion also a faculty?

Certainly, he said; for opinion is that with which we are able to form
an opinion.

And yet you were acknowledging a little while ago that knowledge is not
the same as opinion?

Why, yes, he said: how can any reasonable being ever identify that which
is infallible with that which errs?

An excellent answer, proving, I said, that we are quite conscious of a
distinction between them.

Yes.

Then knowledge and opinion having distinct powers have also distinct
spheres or subject-matters?

That is certain.

Being is the sphere or subject-matter of knowledge, and knowledge is to
know the nature of being?

Yes.

And opinion is to have an opinion?

Yes.

And do we know what we opine? or is the subject-matter of opinion the
same as the subject-matter of knowledge?

Nay, he replied, that has been already disproven; if difference in
faculty implies difference in the sphere or subject-matter, and if, as
we were saying, opinion and knowledge are distinct faculties, then the
sphere of knowledge and of opinion cannot be the same.

Then if being is the subject-matter of knowledge, something else must be
the subject-matter of opinion?

Yes, something else.

Well then, is not-being the subject-matter of opinion? or, rather, how
can there be an opinion at all about not-being? Reflect: when a man
has an opinion, has he not an opinion about something? Can he have an
opinion which is an opinion about nothing?

Impossible.

He who has an opinion has an opinion about some one thing?

Yes.

And not-being is not one thing but, properly speaking, nothing?

True.

Of not-being, ignorance was assumed to be the necessary correlative; of
being, knowledge?

True, he said.

Then opinion is not concerned either with being or with not-being?

Not with either.

And can therefore neither be ignorance nor knowledge?

That seems to be true.

But is opinion to be sought without and beyond either of them, in
a greater clearness than knowledge, or in a greater darkness than
ignorance?

In neither.

Then I suppose that opinion appears to you to be darker than knowledge,
but lighter than ignorance?

Both; and in no small degree.

And also to be within and between them?

Yes.

Then you would infer that opinion is intermediate?

No question.

But were we not saying before, that if anything appeared to be of a sort
which is and is not at the same time, that sort of thing would appear
also to lie in the interval between pure being and absolute not-being;
and that the corresponding faculty is neither knowledge nor ignorance,
but will be found in the interval between them?

True.

And in that interval there has now been discovered something which we
call opinion?

There has.

Then what remains to be discovered is the object which partakes equally
of the nature of being and not-being, and cannot rightly be termed
either, pure and simple; this unknown term, when discovered, we may
truly call the subject of opinion, and assign each to their proper
faculty,--the extremes to the faculties of the extremes and the mean to
the faculty of the mean.

True.

This being premised, I would ask the gentleman who is of opinion that
there is no absolute or unchangeable idea of beauty--in whose opinion
the beautiful is the manifold--he, I say, your lover of beautiful
sights, who cannot bear to be told that the beautiful is one, and the
just is one, or that anything is one--to him I would appeal, saying,
Will you be so very kind, sir, as to tell us whether, of all these
beautiful things, there is one which will not be found ugly; or of the
just, which will not be found unjust; or of the holy, which will not
also be unholy?

No, he replied; the beautiful will in some point of view be found ugly;
and the same is true of the rest.

And may not the many which are doubles be also halves?--doubles, that
is, of one thing, and halves of another?

Quite true.

And things great and small, heavy and light, as they are termed, will
not be denoted by these any more than by the opposite names?

True; both these and the opposite names will always attach to all of
them.

And can any one of those many things which are called by particular
names be said to be this rather than not to be this?

He replied: They are like the punning riddles which are asked at feasts
or the children's puzzle about the eunuch aiming at the bat, with
what he hit him, as they say in the puzzle, and upon what the bat
was sitting. The individual objects of which I am speaking are also
a riddle, and have a double sense: nor can you fix them in your mind,
either as being or not-being, or both, or neither.

Then what will you do with them? I said. Can they have a better place
than between being and not-being? For they are clearly not in greater
darkness or negation than not-being, or more full of light and existence
than being.

That is quite true, he said.

Thus then we seem to have discovered that the many ideas which the
multitude entertain about the beautiful and about all other things are
tossing about in some region which is half-way between pure being and
pure not-being?

We have.

Yes; and we had before agreed that anything of this kind which we might
find was to be described as matter of opinion, and not as matter of
knowledge; being the intermediate flux which is caught and detained by
the intermediate faculty.

Quite true.

Then those who see the many beautiful, and who yet neither see absolute
beauty, nor can follow any guide who points the way thither; who see the
many just, and not absolute justice, and the like,--such persons may be
said to have opinion but not knowledge?

That is certain.

But those who see the absolute and eternal and immutable may be said to
know, and not to have opinion only?

Neither can that be denied.

The one love and embrace the subjects of knowledge, the other those of
opinion? The latter are the same, as I dare say you will remember, who
listened to sweet sounds and gazed upon fair colours, but would not
tolerate the existence of absolute beauty.

Yes, I remember.

Shall we then be guilty of any impropriety in calling them lovers of
opinion rather than lovers of wisdom, and will they be very angry with
us for thus describing them?

I shall tell them not to be angry; no man should be angry at what is
true.

But those who love the truth in each thing are to be called lovers of
wisdom and not lovers of opinion.

Assuredly.




BOOK VI.

And thus, Glaucon, after the argument has gone a weary way, the true and
the false philosophers have at length appeared in view.

I do not think, he said, that the way could have been shortened.

I suppose not, I said; and yet I believe that we might have had a better
view of both of them if the discussion could have been confined to this
one subject and if there were not many other questions awaiting us,
which he who desires to see in what respect the life of the just differs
from that of the unjust must consider.

And what is the next question? he asked.

Surely, I said, the one which follows next in order. Inasmuch as
philosophers only are able to grasp the eternal and unchangeable,
and those who wander in the region of the many and variable are not
philosophers, I must ask you which of the two classes should be the
rulers of our State?

And how can we rightly answer that question?

Whichever of the two are best able to guard the laws and institutions of
our State--let them be our guardians.

Very good.

Neither, I said, can there be any question that the guardian who is to
keep anything should have eyes rather than no eyes?

There can be no question of that.

And are not those who are verily and indeed wanting in the knowledge
of the true being of each thing, and who have in their souls no clear
pattern, and are unable as with a painter's eye to look at the absolute
truth and to that original to repair, and having perfect vision of the
other world to order the laws about beauty, goodness, justice in this,
if not already ordered, and to guard and preserve the order of them--are
not such persons, I ask, simply blind?

Truly, he replied, they are much in that condition.

And shall they be our guardians when there are others who, besides being
their equals in experience and falling short of them in no particular of
virtue, also know the very truth of each thing?

There can be no reason, he said, for rejecting those who have this
greatest of all great qualities; they must always have the first place
unless they fail in some other respect.

Suppose then, I said, that we determine how far they can unite this and
the other excellences.

By all means.

In the first place, as we began by observing, the nature of the
philosopher has to be ascertained. We must come to an understanding
about him, and, when we have done so, then, if I am not mistaken, we
shall also acknowledge that such an union of qualities is possible, and
that those in whom they are united, and those only, should be rulers in
the State.

What do you mean?

Let us suppose that philosophical minds always love knowledge of a sort
which shows them the eternal nature not varying from generation and
corruption.

Agreed.

And further, I said, let us agree that they are lovers of all true
being; there is no part whether greater or less, or more or less
honourable, which they are willing to renounce; as we said before of the
lover and the man of ambition.

True.

And if they are to be what we were describing, is there not another
quality which they should also possess?

What quality?

Truthfulness: they will never intentionally receive into their mind
falsehood, which is their detestation, and they will love the truth.

Yes, that may be safely affirmed of them.

'May be,' my friend, I replied, is not the word; say rather 'must be
affirmed:' for he whose nature is amorous of anything cannot help loving
all that belongs or is akin to the object of his affections.

Right, he said.

And is there anything more akin to wisdom than truth?

How can there be?

Can the same nature be a lover of wisdom and a lover of falsehood?

Never.

The true lover of learning then must from his earliest youth, as far as
in him lies, desire all truth?

Assuredly.

But then again, as we know by experience, he whose desires are strong
in one direction will have them weaker in others; they will be like a
stream which has been drawn off into another channel.

True.

He whose desires are drawn towards knowledge in every form will be
absorbed in the pleasures of the soul, and will hardly feel bodily
pleasure--I mean, if he be a true philosopher and not a sham one.

That is most certain.

Such an one is sure to be temperate and the reverse of covetous; for the
motives which make another man desirous of having and spending, have no
place in his character.

Very true.

Another criterion of the philosophical nature has also to be considered.

What is that?

There should be no secret corner of illiberality; nothing can be more
antagonistic than meanness to a soul which is ever longing after the
whole of things both divine and human.

Most true, he replied.

Then how can he who has magnificence of mind and is the spectator of all
time and all existence, think much of human life?

He cannot.

Or can such an one account death fearful?

No indeed.

Then the cowardly and mean nature has no part in true philosophy?

Certainly not.

Or again: can he who is harmoniously constituted, who is not covetous or
mean, or a boaster, or a coward--can he, I say, ever be unjust or hard
in his dealings?

Impossible.

Then you will soon observe whether a man is just and gentle, or rude
and unsociable; these are the signs which distinguish even in youth the
philosophical nature from the unphilosophical.

True.

There is another point which should be remarked.

What point?

Whether he has or has not a pleasure in learning; for no one will love
that which gives him pain, and in which after much toil he makes little
progress.

Certainly not.

And again, if he is forgetful and retains nothing of what he learns,
will he not be an empty vessel?

That is certain.

Labouring in vain, he must end in hating himself and his fruitless
occupation? Yes.

Then a soul which forgets cannot be ranked among genuine philosophic
natures; we must insist that the philosopher should have a good memory?

Certainly.

And once more, the inharmonious and unseemly nature can only tend to
disproportion?

Undoubtedly.

And do you consider truth to be akin to proportion or to disproportion?

To proportion.

Then, besides other qualities, we must try to find a naturally
well-proportioned and gracious mind, which will move spontaneously
towards the true being of everything.

Certainly.

Well, and do not all these qualities, which we have been enumerating, go
together, and are they not, in a manner, necessary to a soul, which is
to have a full and perfect participation of being?

They are absolutely necessary, he replied.

And must not that be a blameless study which he only can pursue who has
the gift of a good memory, and is quick to learn,--noble, gracious, the
friend of truth, justice, courage, temperance, who are his kindred?

The god of jealousy himself, he said, could find no fault with such a
study.

And to men like him, I said, when perfected by years and education, and
to these only you will entrust the State.

Here Adeimantus interposed and said: To these statements, Socrates, no
one can offer a reply; but when you talk in this way, a strange feeling
passes over the minds of your hearers: They fancy that they are led
astray a little at each step in the argument, owing to their own want of
skill in asking and answering questions; these littles accumulate, and
at the end of the discussion they are found to have sustained a mighty
overthrow and all their former notions appear to be turned upside down.
And as unskilful players of draughts are at last shut up by their
more skilful adversaries and have no piece to move, so they too find
themselves shut up at last; for they have nothing to say in this new
game of which words are the counters; and yet all the time they are in
the right. The observation is suggested to me by what is now occurring.
For any one of us might say, that although in words he is not able
to meet you at each step of the argument, he sees as a fact that the
votaries of philosophy, when they carry on the study, not only in youth
as a part of education, but as the pursuit of their maturer years, most
of them become strange monsters, not to say utter rogues, and that those
who may be considered the best of them are made useless to the world by
the very study which you extol.

Well, and do you think that those who say so are wrong?

I cannot tell, he replied; but I should like to know what is your
opinion.

Hear my answer; I am of opinion that they are quite right.

Then how can you be justified in saying that cities will not cease from
evil until philosophers rule in them, when philosophers are acknowledged
by us to be of no use to them?

You ask a question, I said, to which a reply can only be given in a
parable.

Yes, Socrates; and that is a way of speaking to which you are not at all
accustomed, I suppose.

I perceive, I said, that you are vastly amused at having plunged me into
such a hopeless discussion; but now hear the parable, and then you will
be still more amused at the meagreness of my imagination: for the manner
in which the best men are treated in their own States is so grievous
that no single thing on earth is comparable to it; and therefore, if
I am to plead their cause, I must have recourse to fiction, and put
together a figure made up of many things, like the fabulous unions of
goats and stags which are found in pictures. Imagine then a fleet or a
ship in which there is a captain who is taller and stronger than any of
the crew, but he is a little deaf and has a similar infirmity in sight,
and his knowledge of navigation is not much better. The sailors are
quarrelling with one another about the steering--every one is of opinion
that he has a right to steer, though he has never learned the art of
navigation and cannot tell who taught him or when he learned, and will
further assert that it cannot be taught, and they are ready to cut in
pieces any one who says the contrary. They throng about the captain,
begging and praying him to commit the helm to them; and if at any time
they do not prevail, but others are preferred to them, they kill the
others or throw them overboard, and having first chained up the noble
captain's senses with drink or some narcotic drug, they mutiny and take
possession of the ship and make free with the stores; thus, eating
and drinking, they proceed on their voyage in such manner as might be
expected of them. Him who is their partisan and cleverly aids them in
their plot for getting the ship out of the captain's hands into their
own whether by force or persuasion, they compliment with the name of
sailor, pilot, able seaman, and abuse the other sort of man, whom they
call a good-for-nothing; but that the true pilot must pay attention
to the year and seasons and sky and stars and winds, and whatever else
belongs to his art, if he intends to be really qualified for the command
of a ship, and that he must and will be the steerer, whether other
people like or not--the possibility of this union of authority with the
steerer's art has never seriously entered into their thoughts or been
made part of their calling. Now in vessels which are in a state of
mutiny and by sailors who are mutineers, how will the true pilot be
regarded? Will he not be called by them a prater, a star-gazer, a
good-for-nothing?

Of course, said Adeimantus.

Then you will hardly need, I said, to hear the interpretation of the
figure, which describes the true philosopher in his relation to the
State; for you understand already.

Certainly.

Then suppose you now take this parable to the gentleman who is surprised
at finding that philosophers have no honour in their cities; explain
it to him and try to convince him that their having honour would be far
more extraordinary.

I will.

Say to him, that, in deeming the best votaries of philosophy to be
useless to the rest of the world, he is right; but also tell him to
attribute their uselessness to the fault of those who will not use them,
and not to themselves. The pilot should not humbly beg the sailors to be
commanded by him--that is not the order of nature; neither are 'the wise
to go to the doors of the rich'--the ingenious author of this saying
told a lie--but the truth is, that, when a man is ill, whether he
be rich or poor, to the physician he must go, and he who wants to
be governed, to him who is able to govern. The ruler who is good for
anything ought not to beg his subjects to be ruled by him; although
the present governors of mankind are of a different stamp; they may be
justly compared to the mutinous sailors, and the true helmsmen to those
who are called by them good-for-nothings and star-gazers.

Precisely so, he said.

For these reasons, and among men like these, philosophy, the noblest
pursuit of all, is not likely to be much esteemed by those of the
opposite faction; not that the greatest and most lasting injury is done
to her by her opponents, but by her own professing followers, the same
of whom you suppose the accuser to say, that the greater number of them
are arrant rogues, and the best are useless; in which opinion I agreed.

Yes.

And the reason why the good are useless has now been explained?

True.

Then shall we proceed to show that the corruption of the majority is
also unavoidable, and that this is not to be laid to the charge of
philosophy any more than the other?

By all means.

And let us ask and answer in turn, first going back to the description
of the gentle and noble nature. Truth, as you will remember, was his
leader, whom he followed always and in all things; failing in this, he
was an impostor, and had no part or lot in true philosophy.

Yes, that was said.

Well, and is not this one quality, to mention no others, greatly at
variance with present notions of him?

Certainly, he said.

And have we not a right to say in his defence, that the true lover of
knowledge is always striving after being--that is his nature; he will
not rest in the multiplicity of individuals which is an appearance only,
but will go on--the keen edge will not be blunted, nor the force of his
desire abate until he have attained the knowledge of the true nature
of every essence by a sympathetic and kindred power in the soul, and by
that power drawing near and mingling and becoming incorporate with very
being, having begotten mind and truth, he will have knowledge and will
live and grow truly, and then, and not till then, will he cease from his
travail.

Nothing, he said, can be more just than such a description of him.

And will the love of a lie be any part of a philosopher's nature? Will
he not utterly hate a lie?

He will.

And when truth is the captain, we cannot suspect any evil of the band
which he leads?

Impossible.

Justice and health of mind will be of the company, and temperance will
follow after?

True, he replied.

Neither is there any reason why I should again set in array the
philosopher's virtues, as you will doubtless remember that courage,
magnificence, apprehension, memory, were his natural gifts. And you
objected that, although no one could deny what I then said, still, if
you leave words and look at facts, the persons who are thus described
are some of them manifestly useless, and the greater number utterly
depraved; we were then led to enquire into the grounds of these
accusations, and have now arrived at the point of asking why are
the majority bad, which question of necessity brought us back to the
examination and definition of the true philosopher.

Exactly.

And we have next to consider the corruptions of the philosophic nature,
why so many are spoiled and so few escape spoiling--I am speaking of
those who were said to be useless but not wicked--and, when we have done
with them, we will speak of the imitators of philosophy, what manner of
men are they who aspire after a profession which is above them and of
which they are unworthy, and then, by their manifold inconsistencies,
bring upon philosophy, and upon all philosophers, that universal
reprobation of which we speak.

What are these corruptions? he said.

I will see if I can explain them to you. Every one will admit that a
nature having in perfection all the qualities which we required in a
philosopher, is a rare plant which is seldom seen among men.

Rare indeed.

And what numberless and powerful causes tend to destroy these rare
natures!

What causes?

In the first place there are their own virtues, their courage,
temperance, and the rest of them, every one of which praiseworthy
qualities (and this is a most singular circumstance) destroys and
distracts from philosophy the soul which is the possessor of them.

That is very singular, he replied.

Then there are all the ordinary goods of life--beauty, wealth, strength,
rank, and great connections in the State--you understand the sort of
things--these also have a corrupting and distracting effect.

I understand; but I should like to know more precisely what you mean
about them.

Grasp the truth as a whole, I said, and in the right way; you will then
have no difficulty in apprehending the preceding remarks, and they will
no longer appear strange to you.

And how am I to do so? he asked.

Why, I said, we know that all germs or seeds, whether vegetable or
animal, when they fail to meet with proper nutriment or climate or soil,
in proportion to their vigour, are all the more sensitive to the want of
a suitable environment, for evil is a greater enemy to what is good than
to what is not.

Very true.

There is reason in supposing that the finest natures, when under alien
conditions, receive more injury than the inferior, because the contrast
is greater.

Certainly.

And may we not say, Adeimantus, that the most gifted minds, when they
are ill-educated, become pre-eminently bad? Do not great crimes and
the spirit of pure evil spring out of a fulness of nature ruined by
education rather than from any inferiority, whereas weak natures are
scarcely capable of any very great good or very great evil?

There I think that you are right.

And our philosopher follows the same analogy--he is like a plant which,
having proper nurture, must necessarily grow and mature into all virtue,
but, if sown and planted in an alien soil, becomes the most noxious of
all weeds, unless he be preserved by some divine power. Do you really
think, as people so often say, that our youth are corrupted by Sophists,
or that private teachers of the art corrupt them in any degree worth
speaking of? Are not the public who say these things the greatest of all
Sophists? And do they not educate to perfection young and old, men and
women alike, and fashion them after their own hearts?

When is this accomplished? he said.

When they meet together, and the world sits down at an assembly, or in
a court of law, or a theatre, or a camp, or in any other popular resort,
and there is a great uproar, and they praise some things which are
being said or done, and blame other things, equally exaggerating both,
shouting and clapping their hands, and the echo of the rocks and the
place in which they are assembled redoubles the sound of the praise or
blame--at such a time will not a young man's heart, as they say, leap
within him? Will any private training enable him to stand firm against
the overwhelming flood of popular opinion? or will he be carried away
by the stream? Will he not have the notions of good and evil which the
public in general have--he will do as they do, and as they are, such
will he be?

Yes, Socrates; necessity will compel him.

And yet, I said, there is a still greater necessity, which has not been
mentioned.

What is that?

The gentle force of attainder or confiscation or death, which, as you
are aware, these new Sophists and educators, who are the public, apply
when their words are powerless.

Indeed they do; and in right good earnest.

Now what opinion of any other Sophist, or of any private person, can be
expected to overcome in such an unequal contest?

None, he replied.

No, indeed, I said, even to make the attempt is a great piece of folly;
there neither is, nor has been, nor is ever likely to be, any different
type of character which has had no other training in virtue but that
which is supplied by public opinion--I speak, my friend, of human virtue
only; what is more than human, as the proverb says, is not included:
for I would not have you ignorant that, in the present evil state of
governments, whatever is saved and comes to good is saved by the power
of God, as we may truly say.

I quite assent, he replied.

Then let me crave your assent also to a further observation.

What are you going to say?

Why, that all those mercenary individuals, whom the many call Sophists
and whom they deem to be their adversaries, do, in fact, teach nothing
but the opinion of the many, that is to say, the opinions of their
assemblies; and this is their wisdom. I might compare them to a man who
should study the tempers and desires of a mighty strong beast who is
fed by him--he would learn how to approach and handle him, also at what
times and from what causes he is dangerous or the reverse, and what
is the meaning of his several cries, and by what sounds, when another
utters them, he is soothed or infuriated; and you may suppose further,
that when, by continually attending upon him, he has become perfect in
all this, he calls his knowledge wisdom, and makes of it a system or
art, which he proceeds to teach, although he has no real notion of what
he means by the principles or passions of which he is speaking, but
calls this honourable and that dishonourable, or good or evil, or just
or unjust, all in accordance with the tastes and tempers of the great
brute. Good he pronounces to be that in which the beast delights and
evil to be that which he dislikes; and he can give no other account
of them except that the just and noble are the necessary, having never
himself seen, and having no power of explaining to others the nature
of either, or the difference between them, which is immense. By heaven,
would not such an one be a rare educator?

Indeed he would.

And in what way does he who thinks that wisdom is the discernment of
the tempers and tastes of the motley multitude, whether in painting
or music, or, finally, in politics, differ from him whom I have been
describing? For when a man consorts with the many, and exhibits to
them his poem or other work of art or the service which he has done
the State, making them his judges when he is not obliged, the so-called
necessity of Diomede will oblige him to produce whatever they
praise. And yet the reasons are utterly ludicrous which they give in
confirmation of their own notions about the honourable and good. Did you
ever hear any of them which were not?

No, nor am I likely to hear.

You recognise the truth of what I have been saying? Then let me ask you
to consider further whether the world will ever be induced to believe in
the existence of absolute beauty rather than of the many beautiful, or
of the absolute in each kind rather than of the many in each kind?

Certainly not.

Then the world cannot possibly be a philosopher?

Impossible.

And therefore philosophers must inevitably fall under the censure of the
world?

They must.

And of individuals who consort with the mob and seek to please them?

That is evident.

Then, do you see any way in which the philosopher can be preserved in
his calling to the end? and remember what we were saying of him, that
he was to have quickness and memory and courage and magnificence--these
were admitted by us to be the true philosopher's gifts.

Yes.

Will not such an one from his early childhood be in all things first
among all, especially if his bodily endowments are like his mental ones?

Certainly, he said.

And his friends and fellow-citizens will want to use him as he gets
older for their own purposes?

No question.

Falling at his feet, they will make requests to him and do him honour
and flatter him, because they want to get into their hands now, the
power which he will one day possess.

That often happens, he said.

And what will a man such as he is be likely to do under such
circumstances, especially if he be a citizen of a great city, rich
and noble, and a tall proper youth? Will he not be full of boundless
aspirations, and fancy himself able to manage the affairs of Hellenes
and of barbarians, and having got such notions into his head will he
not dilate and elevate himself in the fulness of vain pomp and senseless
pride?

To be sure he will.

Now, when he is in this state of mind, if some one gently comes to him
and tells him that he is a fool and must get understanding, which can
only be got by slaving for it, do you think that, under such adverse
circumstances, he will be easily induced to listen?

Far otherwise.

And even if there be some one who through inherent goodness or natural
reasonableness has had his eyes opened a little and is humbled and taken
captive by philosophy, how will his friends behave when they think that
they are likely to lose the advantage which they were hoping to reap
from his companionship? Will they not do and say anything to prevent him
from yielding to his better nature and to render his teacher powerless,
using to this end private intrigues as well as public prosecutions?

There can be no doubt of it.

And how can one who is thus circumstanced ever become a philosopher?

Impossible.

Then were we not right in saying that even the very qualities which
make a man a philosopher may, if he be ill-educated, divert him from
philosophy, no less than riches and their accompaniments and the other
so-called goods of life?

We were quite right.

Thus, my excellent friend, is brought about all that ruin and failure
which I have been describing of the natures best adapted to the best of
all pursuits; they are natures which we maintain to be rare at any time;
this being the class out of which come the men who are the authors of
the greatest evil to States and individuals; and also of the greatest
good when the tide carries them in that direction; but a small man never
was the doer of any great thing either to individuals or to States.

That is most true, he said.

And so philosophy is left desolate, with her marriage rite incomplete:
for her own have fallen away and forsaken her, and while they are
leading a false and unbecoming life, other unworthy persons, seeing that
she has no kinsmen to be her protectors, enter in and dishonour her; and
fasten upon her the reproaches which, as you say, her reprovers utter,
who affirm of her votaries that some are good for nothing, and that the
greater number deserve the severest punishment.

That is certainly what people say.

Yes; and what else would you expect, I said, when you think of the puny
creatures who, seeing this land open to them--a land well stocked with
fair names and showy titles--like prisoners running out of prison into a
sanctuary, take a leap out of their trades into philosophy; those who
do so being probably the cleverest hands at their own miserable crafts?
For, although philosophy be in this evil case, still there remains a
dignity about her which is not to be found in the arts. And many are
thus attracted by her whose natures are imperfect and whose so